Social

now browsing by category

 
Posted by: | Posted on: April 21, 2018

Why There Won’t Be a Cambodian Spring This Election Year

Why There Won’t Be a Cambodian Spring This Election Year

Courtesy: The Diplomat

Courtesy: The Diplomat

Despite being well versed in the chaotic metropolises of South East Asia, I still found myself surprised by the coarseness of Cambodia’s capital city when I visited for the first time last month. Half-finished construction sites spill out into the roads, depriving pedestrians of footpaths and adding to Phnom Penh’s not-quite-finished character. Yet for the capital of a country that is now just three months away from a general election, there is a notable absence of the usual broad-faced men bearing grins and upwards pointing thumbs that you might expect to see postered to the sides of buildings and billboards. You may, in fact, be forgiven for not knowing that there is an upcoming election at all.

Cambodia’s leader, Hun Sen, is the world’s longest-serving prime minister having held the position since 1985. Rising to power as a battalion commander under the Khmer Rouge, he defected to Vietnam and became a leader of the rebellion against the regime before being appointed as deputy prime minister in the Vietnamese-installed government in 1979. Since then, Hun Sen has refused to relinquish power, and despite losing a UN-sponsored election in 1993 he went on to lead a successful coup against his co-prime minister, cementing his position at the head of the ever-incumbent Cambodian People’s Party (CPP). His reign has been characterized by the stifling of democracy and unabashed brutalizing of the opposition.

At the head of a government widely accepted as one of the world’s most openly corrupt, Hun Sen’s immediate family is known to have registered interests in over 114 domestic private companies, holding total or substantial control in 90 percent of them. These sectors span the breadth of the economy, from construction to hospitality, telecoms to media, and finance to mining. His relatives also hold key positions within the government and the military, increasingly embedding themselves into the country’s elite apparatus.

In the four years since there has been an undeniable systematic dismantling of the opposition party, and an intensified purge of government critics. With the assistance of the state’s judiciary, the party’s new leader Kem Sohka was arrested for treason in September 2017, while over 100 members of the CNRP’s leadership have been banned from participating in politics for the next five years.The only serious contender to have challenged the rule of the CPP was the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP). Formed in a merger of two opposition parties and united under prominent reform campaigner Sam Rainsy, the party won a 44 percent share of the vote in the 2013 general election, nearly topping the CPP’s 49 percent. Despite Human Rights Watch supporting the CNRP’s accusations of electoral fraud, citing the registering of voters in multiple provinces and the issuing of fake election documents by the CPP, the incumbent government denied calls for an independent review into the election.

In November 2017, the Supreme Court officially disbanded the CNRP, eradicating the only serious contender in the upcoming general election and making the CPP’s landslide victory inevitable. The day was branded “The Death of Democracy” by the Phnom Penh Post, one of the only remaining English-language publication not closed down in recent years.

Sam Rainsy, who has been in exile since 2016 after being charged with defamation for accusing Hun Sen’s government of murdering the high-profile political activist Kem Ley, has since set up the offshoot Cambodia National Rescue Movement (CNRM) in an attempt to pull together an opposition ahead of the election. However, rather than uniting the opposition, this has further fractured relations with some adamant members of the disbanded CNRP who are opposed to the abandonment of their party. Many more are refusing to publicly support the new party in fear that their association could lead to their arrest if this party is targeted by the CPP too.

In this climate of intense frustration some commentators are questioning whether Hun Sen has gone too far, and in fact sealed his own fate by inciting a public uprising against the CPP. While others have underlined the claim that only 30 percent of the junior members of the armed forces now genuinely support the regime.

Yet while it is true that frustration is growing among Cambodian pro-democracy activists, there is no “Cambodian Spring” in the offing. Hun Sen’s position in the country has never been stronger; with no organized opposition to challenge him and near total de facto control of the judiciary, military, police force, and press.

I spoke to Dr. Sorpong Peou, a Cambodian-born Canadian professor at Ryerson University and an expert on politics and security in Cambodia, about the country’s immediate political outlook.

“My prediction is that anti-government protests and demonstrations are likely to develop as the July elections are fast approaching, but I don’t know if they will be sustained. The opposition, in my opinion, has weakened and will not be resilient. [Whereas] the CPP-led government is likely to use force to crush or thwart any movements seeking to challenge its power.”

When asked if he believed that Hun Sen could maintain power for the next decade, as he has stated his intention to, he told me there was no doubt about it. “Hun Sen cannot afford to lose because losing in Cambodia can mean the end, if not death.”

“The lack of legitimate state institutions has left Cambodia more or less in the Hobbesian ‘state of nature’, and the politics of survival remains intense. Thus, I don’t expect Hun Sen and his CPP to go down without a fight to the death. For me, this is the great Cambodian tragedy.”

Hun Sen has never been investigated by the International Criminal Court for his complicity in the Khmer Rouge regime and does not intend to stand trial either for the politically-motivated murders alleged against him since he has been in power.

Read More …

Posted by: | Posted on: April 8, 2018

Kono urges Hun Sen to hold fair election

Japan has spent huge money for Cambodia since 1991 to help build democracy and national institution of this country. Now, it is critical time that Japan will never give up in paralleling their efforts with the West and America to renew such endeavours. Now, time is for HS to pick a dark road or a bright road. (Quote from a facebook page)

Kono urges Hun Sen to hold fair election

Op-Ed: NHK World Asia of Japan

cambodia japan Japanese Foreign Minister Taro Kono has urged Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen to ensure that the upcoming general election will be free and fair.

Kono and Hun Sen met on Sunday in Phnom Penh.

International observers have expressed concern about the fairness of the election scheduled for July. The Cambodian government forced the largest opposition party to disband last year.

Kono said the election should properly reflect the will of the people. He quoted Hun Sen as saying that it will be free and fair.

Later on Sunday, Kono and Cambodian Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn signed a document that says Japan will provide up to roughly 90 million dollars in yen-denominated loans to help build electric power facilities in Phnom Penh.

Kono told reporters that Japan is a longtime friend of Cambodia and doesn’t want to see the Southeast Asian country facing criticism.

He said Japan will keep monitoring the situation.

Posted by: | Posted on: April 7, 2018

THE DUMPLING SHOP OWNER AT THE CENTER OF AN AUTHORITARIAN CRACKDOWN

THE DUMPLING SHOP OWNER AT THE CENTER OF AN AUTHORITARIAN CRACKDOWN

BY JUSTIN HIGGINBOTTOM

The experiment in democracy that is modern Cambodia seems to have hit a bump in the road. Actually, if Cambodian democracy were a car, it would be in a rice-field ditch and the villagers (and international observers) smelling smoke. Twenty-five years after the United Nations Transitional Authority ended its stewardship of the country, and despite having a new constitution, years of relatively free elections and billions of dollars in foreign aid, residents are effectively living under single-party rule. The question on people’s minds is what comes next — a tow truck or an explosion.

One interested observer is Sin Rozeth. The 34-year-old former commune chief and once rising political star was given the same choice as other members of the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party: defect to another party (preferably the ruling Cambodian People’s Party) or get out of politics. Rozeth chose the latter — she opened a dumpling restaurant in her old stomping grounds after the CNRP was forcibly dissolved in November — while looking for a way forward in the face of Cambodia’s increasingly totalitarian environment.

====

Sin Rozeth is among those stars of 2007 elect-commune councils who have been speaking the language of bottom line people of Cambodia. They are working as the underdogs to reflect and reduce the autocrats and their children of family elites. Like Rozeth, other young politicians such as Chin Sok Ngeng (Siem Reap) Mao Phally (Kampong Chhnang) Siek Chamnab (Siem Reap), just mention a few, they are the future leader, the catalyst of change, and the agent of change, for Cambodia.

Sin Rozeth is among those stars of 2007 elect-commune councils who have been speaking the language of bottom line people of Cambodia. They are working as the underdogs to reflect and reduce the autocrats and the children of family elites. Like Rozeth, other young politicians such as Chin Sok Ngeng (Siem Reap),
Mao Phally (Kampong Chhnang),
Siek Chamnab (Siem Reap), just mention a few, they are the future leader, the catalyst of change, and the agent of change, for Cambodia.

Rozeth opened a restaurant to support her mother, and to make up for the loss of her meager public salary. But her accusers say it’s a front for illegal political activities. “If this restaurant is used as a place to gather fire, it is really dangerous for Rozeth and it should not be tolerated,” Chheang Vun, a ruling party lawmaker, posted on Facebook. In response to claims that she’s harboring “rebels,” Rozeth hung a banner outside: “Rozeth’s shop welcomes all guests, but not rebels.” The tongue-in-cheek gesture earned her a reprimand by the city governor, who warned that using such language could damage the kingdom’s reputation. Rozeth says she feels threatened by the ongoing harassment, and a group of former CNRP members sent letters to several international bodies, including the United Nations Human Rights Committee, seeking help in pressuring the government to stop the “bullying.”

In the short term, at least, one-party rule will continue in Cambodia, says Sophal Ear, professor of diplomacy and world affairs at Occidental College. And mounting new opposition will be difficult. ”It’s like razing an old grove forest,” he explains. “You’re not going to get 100-year-old trees. You’ll have young trees, and they’ll be easy to bulldoze if they get too strong.” National elections are scheduled for this summer, and it’s unclear whether CNRP’s former supporters will turn toward another party or abstain from voting, says Sinthay Neb, director of the Advocacy and Policy Institute in Phnom Penh. Whatever happens, he believes the best way forward is for both sides to meet and work together — however unlikely.

For now, Rozeth refuses to give up: “As long as one still has breath, there is still hope for democracy.” She stays busy traveling to villages to perform charity work (this too, she says, is closely monitored). And she helps people who come to her shop, even if it’s only for a good meal.

Before I leave the noodle shop — which has filled with the evening crowd — I take a few photographs of the owner. Other patrons notice and pull out their phones. Seems they all want a selfie with the politician turned restaurateur now under fire.

Continue to read this whole article at OZY…

Posted by: | Posted on: April 6, 2018

Cambodia clampdown was long in the planning

“When ‘color revolution’ requires 132 pages to explain and defend as the basis of anything, someone’s working overtime to turn it into an excuse or ploy to crack down on the opposition, NGOs, the media and government critics,” said Sophal Ear, an associate professor of diplomacy and world affairs at Occidental College in Los Angeles. “The metaphorical hammer is being used on their heads.”

Hun Manith, the second Hun Sen's Son and Military Intelligence Head is believed the instigator of creating "colour revolution" narrative to dissolve opposition aiming to win election that has no legitimacy. The colour revolution narrative is an excuse to maintain Hun Sen power in one-party state which is contradictory to the national Constitution.

Hun Manith, the second Hun Sen’s Son and Military Intelligence Head is believed the instigator of creating “colour revolution” narrative to dissolve opposition aiming to win election that has no legitimacy. The colour revolution narrative is an excuse to maintain Hun Sen power in one-party state which is contradictory to the national Constitution.

There was also the matter of a June 2017 local level commune elections that had the potential to build electoral momentum for the CNRP ahead of the national polls. The CNRP gained a strong foothold in the countryside, winning 5,000 seats. However, those and national level seats won in 2013 were given to smaller parties after the CNRP’s dissolution.

Hun Manith saw the commune elections as a potential springboard for an opposition uprising. “As you might be aware, this kind of regime change took place near and after an election, and Cambodia will have a commune election in 2017. Is it a coincidence?” he said in the 2016 interview.

“In order to succeed in mobilizing the people for regime change, they need to create a negative perception about the government, for locals and also in the international arena. Once the perspective succeeds, all the means and tactics for regime change will be justified.”

The CPP’s propaganda apparatus, including most notably the pro-government Fresh News outlet, was later mobilized to convince a skeptical public and an even more skeptical international audience that its moves against the opposition were warranted.

The Phnom Penh Post reported in March that Fresh News released a 700-page collection of open letters, commentary and political analysis spinning Cambodia’s recent political crackdown into a successful prevention of a color revolution.


Former Phnom Penh Post News Editor Sebastian Strangio, also the author of Hun Sen’s Cambodia, said Fresh News’ role was perhaps more important in shaping the news than it was in delivering it, saying “They don’t really do journalism.”

However, while the average Cambodian struggled to understand exactly what a color revolution was, Los Angeles-based academic and political analyst Sophal was under no illusions.

“The Cambodian people understand the term ‘color revolution’ insofar as it’s being used as a hammer swung on their friends’ heads, which is a whack-a-mole exercise that is more likely to result in their own heads being hit,” he told Asia Times.

“Some people are of course absorbing this and drinking the Kool Aid, but there’s also a sense that anything Fresh News and Khmer Times (newspaper) says is bad is actually good, and anything they say is good is actually bad.

“I never cease to be amazed at how smart Cambodians are at seeing through the fog. In a place where the Orwellian modus operandi that white is black and black is white prevails, Cambodians aren’t fooled for a second.”

While attempts to justify attacks on the CNRP continued and senior party members fled the country fearing arrest, the prime minister’s second son was promoted inside the military from Major General to Lieutenant General, recognition for his “good achievements”, including possibly his role in the successful suppression operation against the CNRP.

Continue to read by Asia Times….

Posted by: | Posted on: March 22, 2018

Joint Statement on the Human Rights Situation in Cambodia

Op-Ed: Geneva Switzerland

Item 2 General Debate
37th Session of the Human Rights Council
Geneva, March 21, 2018

Mr. President,

New Zealand 1 New Zealand makes this statement on behalf of a group of 45 countries; the full version of the statement and the list of supporting delegations will be published on the extranet.

The international community has provided strong support for the development of democracy in Cambodia during the twenty-five years since the Constitution of Cambodia enshrined liberal multi-party democracy.  Over the intervening decades, we have applauded the progress Cambodia had made since the signing of the Paris Peace Agreements in 1991.  Positive indictors included a relatively successful national election in 2013, and communal elections in 2017.

As we near the elections scheduled for 29 July this year, our previous optimism has been replaced by deep concern about the recent serious decline of civil and political rights in Cambodia.  These backward steps include signs of escalating repression of the political opposition, civil society and media. We share the concerns highlighted by the High Commissioner and the Special Rapporteur about actions taken by the Cambodian government that will undermine the conduct of credible, free and fair elections in July.  For the Cambodian Government to retain its legitimacy, any elections must be free, fair and credible.

International human rights treaties ratified by Cambodia and the Constitution of Cambodia guarantee, and the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration affirms the rights of freedom of expression, freedom of association, and of citizens to participate in government through free, fair and credible elections that are periodic and transparent. However, we note with particular concern that in recent months:New Zealand 2

  • There has been a significant clampdown on the press and civil society across the country, including the closure or suspension of several NGOs and independent media companies;
  • The Cambodia National Rescue Party leader Kem Sokha was detained on 3 September 2017, and since then has been deprived of his rights including access to his lawyers, and the right to defend himself through legal assistance of his own choosing.
  • The court’s continued unwillingness to release Kem Sokha on bail during judicial proceedings is of concern especially in light of his deteriorating health.
  • The CNRP was dissolved by the Supreme Court on 16 November, 118 CNRP members were banned from political activity for five years, and the CNRP’s local and national seats were reallocated to unelected members of the ruling and other parties.

We are particularly concerned about the conditions under which opposition leader Kem Sokha is being detained following his arbitrary arrest: he is reportedly in isolation, without adequate access to health care, subjected to intrusive observation, and other conditions, such as constant light.  We call for the immediate release of all political prisoners, including Kem Sokha.

We urge Cambodia to:

  • Reinstate the CNRP and all elected members to their national and communal seats, and to
  • Repeal the amendments to the Law on Political Parties which provided for expansive grounds for the dissolution of political parties.

An electoral process from which the main democratic opposition party has been arbitrarily excluded cannot be considered genuine or legitimate.

We call on the Royal Government of Cambodia to take all measures necessary, before it is too late, to ensure that the 2018 elections are free, fair and credible.  In particular, we urge that the elections take place in a peaceful environment without threats, arbitrary arrests or acts of intimidation, and that all international human rights obligations important for successful elections, such as rights to freedom of expression, press, association and peaceful assembly, are respected, protected and fulfilled.

Further, we urge the Royal Government of Cambodia to refrain from using judicial, administrative and fiscal measures as political tools against the opposition, the media, civil society and human rights defenders and to further revise: the Law on Associations and NGOs (LANGO); the Law on Trade Unions; the Cambodian Criminal Code; and recent amendments to the Constitution. The political environment must be one in which opposition parties, civil society and media can function are able to carry out their legitimate roles without fear, threats or arbitrary restrictions.

We were heartened by the UN Special Rapporteur on Cambodia’s country visit that took place from 5-14 March.  We strongly encourage the government of Cambodia to pay close attention to the Special Rapporteur’s recommendations from her recent visit. In this regard, we urge Cambodia to take all necessary measures to prevent and deter acts of intimidate and reprisals against those cooperating with the UN human rights mechanisms, including human rights defenders and other civil society actors. We stand ready to support the implementation of assistance that will strengthen Cambodia’s democratic systems.

We urge the continued attention of the international community to the current situation in Cambodia, and we will look to further consideration by the Human Rights Council if the human rights situation does not improve in the lead up to the elections in July. We encourage the High Commissioner for Human Rights to provide an update on the situation in Cambodia in an inter-sessional briefing ahead of the June session of the Human Rights Council.

As Cambodia continues along the path of development, we urge the government to fulfill human rights obligations and commitments, in furtherance of a genuine liberal multi-party democracy as envisaged in the Constitution of Cambodia for the benefit of all Cambodians.

Thank you Mr. President.

New Zealand 3 New Zealand 4 New Zealand 5

 

 

More report by Reuters

Posted by: | Posted on: March 15, 2018

ការតស៊ូមតិដែលមានប្រសិទ្ធិភាពរបស់គណបក្សជំទាស់

ក្នុងយុគបច្ចុប្បន្ន ក្រសួងការបរទេសគឺភាគីសំខាន់បំផុតសម្រាប់រដ្ឋាភិបាលមួយក្នុងការការពារអំពើទាំងឡាយរបស់ខ្លួន។ ដូចគ្នាដែរ យន្តការមួយក្នុងយន្តការទាំងអស់សម្រាប់គណបក្សជំទាស់ ជាពិសេសគឺគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិដែលត្រូវបានគណបក្សដឹកនាំរាជរដ្ឋាភិបាលកំពុងធ្វើទុក្ខបុកម្នេញដូចបច្ចុប្បន្ននេះ ត្រូវប្រើប្រាស់យន្តការអន្តរជាតិអោយប្រសិទ្ធិភាពបំផុតទៅតាមដែលអាចធ្វើបាន។ ដូច្នេះតើគណបក្សជំទាស់ត្រូវធ្វើអ្វីខ្ល?

  1. យើងអាចនិយាយបានថាភាគីទាំងបីនេះ គឺរាជរដ្ឋាភិបាល គណបក្សប្រជាជន និងគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ កន្លងមកទាំងសង្គមសុីវិល ទាំងសហគមន៍អន្តរជាតិ និងទាំងគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ ហាក់ដូចជាបរាជ័យក្នុងការអប់រំប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាអោយយល់ថា គណបក្សប្រជាជនគឺជាគណបក្សដឹកនាំរាជរដ្ឋាភិបាល មិនមែនជាគណបក្សកម្មសិទ្ធិរបស់រាជរដ្ឋាភិបាលឬរាជរដ្ឋាភិបាលជាកម្មសិទ្ធិរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជនទេ។ យោងតាមរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញកម្ពុជាបច្ចុប្បន្ន គណបក្សនយោបាយគ្រាន់តែជាអ្នកដាក់វេនគ្នាមកដឹកនាំរាជរដ្ឋាភិបាលឬមកការពារប្រយោជន៍ជាតិតែប៉ុណ្ណោះ។ តែកន្លងមកលោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីនិងមន្ត្រីគណបក្សប្រជាជនមួយចំនួនឈ្វេងយល់ថារាជរដ្ឋាភិបាលកម្ពុជាឬជាតិកម្ពុជាជាកម្មសិទ្ធិផ្តាច់មុខរបស់ខ្លួន មានជាឧទាហរណ៍ដូចជា៖ នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីអៈអាងថាគាត់ជាអគ្គមេបញ្ជាការកងទ័ពទូរទាំងផ្ទៃប្រទេសដែលការនិយាយនេះហួសពីដែនសមត្ថកិច្ចរបស់រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ ស្ថាប័នព្រះមហាក្សត្រគឺឯករាជ្យនិងជាអ្នកការពារអធិបតេយ្យភាពក៏ដូចជារដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញកម្ពុជាប៉ុន្តែគណបក្សប្រជាជនបញ្ជូនមនុស្សរបស់ខ្លួនមកយាមព្រះរាជបល្លង្គគឺរដ្ឋមន្ត្រីក្រសួងព្រះបរមរាជវាំងហើយថវិការរបស់ព្រះរាជវាំងគឺក្តោបក្តាប់ដោយក្រសួងហិរញ្ញវត្ថុជាដើម តុលាការគឺជាស្ថាប័នឯករាជ្យចែងដោយរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញប៉ុន្តែទាំងប្រធានតុលាការកំពូល(president of the supreme court)ទាំងព្រះរាជអាជ្ញា(executors)ទាំងចៅក្រម(judges)ជាដើមសុទ្ធសឹងតែជាសមាជិកអចិន្ត្រៃយ៍របស់គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាដែលនេះគឺផ្ទុយទាំងស្រុងទៅនឹងក្រមសីលធម៍(ethics) មុខវិជ្ជាជីវៈ(professionalism) និងជំលោះផលប្រយោជន៍(conflict of interest)ដូចមានចែងក្នុងច្បាប់។ ចំណែកស្ថាប័នឯករាជ្យមួយទៀតគឺស្ថាប័នរដ្ឋសភាព្រឹទ្ធសភាក៏មានការបង្កើតក្រសួងទំនាក់ទំនងរដ្ឋសភាអោយស្ថិតក្រោមទីស្តីការគណរដ្ឋមន្ត្រីដើម្បីគ្រប់គ្រងមិនអោយឯករាជ្យថែមទៀត។ ទាំងអស់េនះមិនរួមទាំងស្ថាប័នព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនា ស្ថាប័នមន្ត្រីរាជការទាំងសុីវិលនិងប្រដាប់អាវុធ និងទាំងស្ថាប័នឧត្តមសិក្សាទាំងរបស់រដ្ឋទាំងឯកជនដែលបានកំពុងប្រឡាក់ប្រឡូសទៅដោយការប្រទាញប្រទង់ពីគណបក្សប្រជាជនមិនអាចបំពេញការងារបំរើជាតិនិងប្រជាជនពិតប្រាកដបាន ។ល។និង។ល។
  2. ដើម្បីគាបសង្កត់ស្ថាប័នឯករាជ្យទាំងអស់នោះអោយមានប្រសិទ្ធិភាពថែមទៀត បច្ចុប្បន្នលោកហ៊ុន-សែន បានបង្កើតក្រុមក្រៅក្របខណ្ឌឬនិយាយអោយសាមញ្ញគឺក្រុមបាតដៃទី៣ដើម្បីគំរាមទាំងអ្នកជំទាស់ អ្នកស្ថិតក្នុងគណបក្សប្រជាជន និងអ្នកឯករាជ្យផ្សេងទៀត។ ជាឧទាហរណ៍  ក្រុមអ្នកវាយតំណាងរាស្ត្រនៅមុខរដ្ឋសភាក៏ដូចជាក្រុមប្រជាការពារដែលស្ថិតនៅក្រោមចៅសង្កាត់មេឃុំរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាត្រូវបានគេមើលឃើញថាអាជ្ញាធរមិនអាចប៉ៈពាល់តាមប្រព័ន្ធច្បាប់បានទេ។
  3. គណបក្សជំទាស់ត្រូវបង្កើនប្រសិទ្ធិភាពការតស៊ូមតិរបស់ខ្លួនដោយក្រៅពីជំហានដំបូងៗដូចជាផ្អាកទិដ្ឋាការនិងរឹបអូសទ្រព្យសម្បត្តិមន្ត្រីពុករលួយរំលោភសិទ្ធិមនុស្ស ការនិយាយអោយច្បាស់ៗថាអាស៊ានត្រូវទាត់ចោលសមាជិកភាពកម្ពុជាចេញ អង្គការសហប្រជាជាតិត្រូវទុកទំនេរចោលនូវអាសនៈកម្ពុជាចេញ សហគមអុឺរ៉ុបត្រូវដកសិទ្ធិនាំចេញពិសេសលើកលែងតែអាវុធចេញ(everything but arms or EBA) ហើយសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិកនិងអូស្ត្រាលីត្រូវដើរតួនាទីសំខាន់ក្នុងការស្តារឡើងវិញនូវកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសន្តិភាពទីក្រុងប៉ារីសជាដើម។
  4. សព្វថ្ងៃតាមរយៈក្រសួងការបរទេស លោកប្រាក់-សុខុនគាត់គឺកំពុងនាំកម្ពុជាទៅរកនយោបាយការបរទេសបរាជ័យនិងអសោចបំផុតមួយដូចលោកអៀង-សារីដូច្នោះដែរ។ ជាក់ស្តែង ក្នុងជំនួបជាមួយអ្នកស្រីរ៉ូណាស្មីត លោកប្រាក់-សុខុនបានត្រឹមខិតខំការពារកំហុសខ្លួនដែលថាដើម្បីការពារសន្តិភាពនៅពេលដែលអ្នកស្រីស្មីតសង្កត់ធ្ងន់ថាសិទ្ធិមនុស្សនិងយុត្តិធម៍គឺជាគ្រឹៈរបស់សន្តិភាពពិតប្រាកដ។ លោកប្រាក់-សុខនរត់ទៅពឹងចិនក្រោមការជាប់ក្អែលវៀតណាម ហើយព្យាយាមបំភ្លៃពត៍មានដូចជាលទ្ធផលក្រោយកិច្ចប្រជុំជាមួយអុឺរ៉ុបកាលពីថ្ងៃទី១៤ ខែមីនា ឆ្នាំ២០១៨នេះ ជាការគួរអោយចង់សើច នៅពេលដែលអុឺរ៉ុបប្រាប់អោយស្តារស្ថានការណ៍ឡើងវិញដោយការដោះលែងលោកកឹម-សុខា អ្នកទោសនយោបាយទាំងអស់ និងអោយមានវត្តមានគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិចូលរួមបោះឆ្នោត តែក្រសួងការបរទេសបែរនិយាយថាអុឺរ៉ុបសហការណ៍ល្អជាមួយកម្ពុជានិងចូលរួមគាំទ្រការបោះឆ្នោតខាងមុខនេះ។

ជាសរុប លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីនិងគណបក្សរបស់គាត់បានត្រឹមបំភ្លៃពត៍មានមិនពិតដើម្បីប្រជាភិថុតិប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា យុវជនកម្ពុជនកម្ពុជាមួយចំនួន និងក្រុមមានផលប្រយោជន៍(PIGs)របស់គាត់តែប៉ុណ្ណោះ តែមិនអាចបិទបាំងអ្នកបោះឆ្នោតដែលចង់អោយមានការផ្លាស់ប្តូរនិងសហគមន៍អន្តរជាតិបានទេ។

In this era, Ministry of Foreign Affairs is very essential agent to prevent all actions of their government. In the same time, one of the mechanisms for opposition party that has been dissolved by the Cambodia’s People Party must use the international mechanisms effectively. Therefore, how could the opposition implement?

United Nations Human Rights Council Geneva, 26 February – 23 March 2018 EU Statement – Item 4: Human Rights situation that require the Council’s attention

Mr. President,

Bruzel Statement 1 I have the honour to speak on behalf of the European Union.

The Candidate Countries, the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia[*], Montenegro* and Albania*, and the EFTA country Liechtenstein, member of the European Economic Area, align themselves with this statement.

As we celebrate the 70th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights this year, the European Union reiterates its strong commitment to the promotion and protection of human rights, emphasizing the role of the HRC as an important early warning tool, and welcomes this opportunity to discuss human rights situations that require the Council’s attention. With regard to the situation in DPRK, IranMyanmar/BurmaEritreaSyria, Burundi and South Sudan we would like to refer to our statements during the respective interactive dialogues.

The EU remains deeply concerned about the continuing deterioration of the political and human rights situation in Cambodia and the escalating repression of the opposition, civil society and the media. The EU reiterates its call for the immediate release of opposition leader Kem Sokha. The enforced dissolution of the main opposition party (CNRP) is a significant step away from the path of pluralism and democracy enshrined in Cambodia’s constitution. The EU reiterates that an electoral process from which the main opposition party has been arbitrarily excluded is not legitimate. The EU reiterates its call for the swift reversal of the dissolution of the CNRP and for the reinstatement of all CNRP members of parliament and CNRP local counsellors. The EU also expects the government to allow civil society organisations to fulfil their legitimate role.

Bruzel Statement 2While acknowledging the progress made on a number of areas of social and economic rights in China, the EU is concerned about detentions and trials of human rights defenders and lawyers Wang Quanzhang, Li Yuhan, Huang Qi, Yu Wensheng, Wu Gan and Tashi Wangchuk. The EU urges China to release all detained human rights defenders and to thoroughly investigate reported cases of mistreatment and torture while in detention. The EU is also concerned about the continued detention of the Swedish citizen Gui Minhai. The EU demands that he be allowed to meet Swedish diplomatic and medical staff and that he be released. The EU calls upon China to respect the rights of freedom of expression offline and online, and of religion, as well as cultural diversity, not least in Tibet and Xinjiang.

The EU remains deeply concerned about the high number of killings associated with the campaign against illegal drugs in the Philippines. The EU emphasizes the importance of carrying out the campaign with a focus on public health and in full compliance with due process, national law and international human rights law. It is imperative to conduct prompt, effective, impartial and transparent investigations of all cases of death leading to prosecution in all cases of unlawful killing.

On Venezuela, the EU is seriously concerned about the continued weakening of and non-respect for democratic institutions, the repression of political opponents and the obstacles to the opposition’s equal participation in elections. The adoption by the constituent assembly (not recognized Bruzel Statement 3by the EU and other international partners) of the “Law against Hatred” risks  further restricting the freedom of expression and opinion. The EU is also concerned about persistent  arbitrary detentions, reports of extrajudicial killings and widespread violations of the rights to food and to healthcare. The EU calls on the Venezuelan government to uphold people’s fundamental rights and freedoms, to facilitate external assistance to meet the pressing needs of the population, to release political prisoners, to respect democratic institutions and to ensure that elections are constitutional, transparent, credible and inclusive.

The EU recognizes Egypt’s efforts to combat terrorism and recalls the need to tackle it in full respect of international human rights standards and fundamental freedoms.  The EU continues to call on Egypt to respect rights to freedom of opinion and expression offline and online, including for journalists and bloggers, and of freedom of assembly and association and to stop applying disproportionate legislation limiting them and unduly restricting space for civil society organisations. The EU calls on Egypt to continue their efforts to shed light on the circumstances of the death of the Italian citizen Giulio Regeni and the French citizen Eric Lang and bring about justice. The EU is concerned about the recent increase in death sentences and executions in Egypt and calls on Egypt to suspend the issuance and implementation of the death penalty.

Read More …