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Posted by: | Posted on: September 19, 2016

Press Release for Voters Registration Inclusiveness

Op-Ed: The CEROC

សេចក្តីថ្លែងការ

press-release-for-voter-registration-inclusiveness-1press-release-for-voter-registration-inclusiveness-2press-release-for-voter-registration-inclusiveness-3press-release-for-voter-registration-inclusiveness-4

ថ្ងៃទី១ខែកញ្ញានេះជាថ្ងៃដំបូងនៃការចុះឈ្មោះអ្នកបោះឆ្នោតដោយដាក់បញ្ចូលទៅក្នុង ប្រព័ន្ធបច្ចេកទេសកំព្យូទ័រសំរាប់បញ្ជីអ្នកបោះឆ្នោតថ្មី ប៉ុន្តែអង្គការដឺស៊ីរ៉ក់នៅតែ៖

. បារម្មណ៍ពីអសមធម៌នៃការបង្កើតឈ្មោះក្នុងបញ្ជីថ្មី

. ការដាក់បន្ទុកធ្ងន់ពីសំណាក់រដ្ឋាភិបាលទៅលើគ...

STATEMENT OF FIRST DAY VOTERS REGISTRATION

This first of September is the first day of voters registration by establishing new voter list through new technology of computer database, but The CEROC has remained:

  1. Worry on inclusiveness of this new voter list creation

  2. Political influence of government over the National Election Committees (NEC)

Press-release-to-appeal-for-inclusiveness-of-voters-registration-in-english

Press-release-to-appeal-for-inclusiveness-of-voters-registration-in-khmer

Posted by: | Posted on: September 11, 2016

លទ្ធផលការប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបឆ្នាំ២០១៦នេះនិងគោលនយោបាយរើសអើង

ប្រឡងបាក់ឌុបឆ្នាំនេះជាប់៦២,១៨ភាគរយ ហើយក៏មានក្មួយខ្ញុំម្នាក់ដែរ។ និយាយដោយត្រង់ចង់សួរថា តើក្រសួងអប់រំរៀបចំយ៉ាងម៉េចចំពោះអ្នកមិនជាប់ជាង៤៧ភាគរយទៀត? អោយពួកគេរៀនឌុប? អោយពួកគេធ្វើចំណាកស្រុុកទៅស្រុកថៃ? ឬអោយពួកគេដើរទាត់ខ្យល់? ។ល។និង។ល។ជាដើម។ អ្នកជាប់ក្រៅពីមិនបានរៀនឌុប ក៏មិនប្រាកដថាគេអាចគេចផុតពីគន្លងអ្នកធ្លាក់ដែរ។ តែអ្វីដែលហួសចិត្តគឺពិភពលោកគេមិនអនុវត្តការប្រឡងជាប់ធ្លាក់(exam)ដើម្បីវាស់សមត្ថភាពកូនសិស្សទៀតទេ តែគេប្រើវិធីស្ទាបស្ទង់កំរិតព្យាយាម(assessment) របស់សិស្សវិញ។ បើកូនសិស្សព្យាយាមសិក្សាពេញលេញ គឺពួកគេមិនដែលធ្លាក់ទេក្នុងរយះពេល១២ឆ្នាំ។ ហើយប្រទេសប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ គេមិនយកការប្រឡងជាប់ធ្លាក់ដើម្បីវាស់ចំណេះដឹងកូនសិស្សទេ ព្រោះគេជឿទៅលើផ្នត់គំនិតព្យាយាម(growth mindset) ជាងផ្នត់គំនិតឆ្លាតពីកំណើត(fixed mindset)។ លើសពីនេះ កម្ពុជាមិនអាចមានចិរភាពខាងការអភិវឌ្ឍន៌ទេ បើរដ្ឋាភិបាលនៅតែប្រើគោលនយោបាយបែបសង្គមបិទ(not an open society)និងការរើសអើង(exclusive)។ យើងអាចពិនិត្យទៅលើគោលនយោបាយរើសអើង(exclusive)និងគោលនយោបាយមិនរើសអើង(inclusive) តាមកត្តាខ្លះៗដូចតទៅនេះ៖

  1. នយោបាយដឹកនាំប្រទេស=គណបក្សនយោបាយដឹកនាំរដ្ឋាភិបាលកំណត់គោលនយោបាយដែលមានតែខ្លួនម្នាក់គត់ដែលអាចរក្សាសន្តិភាពនិងការអភិវឌ្ឍន៌ដោយចាត់ទុកក្រុមជំទាស់ដែលមានកំឡាំងប្រហាក់ប្រហែលខ្លួនថាជាក្រុមបំផ្លាញសន្តិភាពនិងការអភិវឌ្ឍន៌ ព្រមទាំងខិតខំអុកឡុកអោយក្រុមនេះរលាយខ្លួនតែម្តង។
  2. នយោសេដ្ឋកិច្ចទីផ្សាសេរីមូលធនិយមបែបបក្សពួកនិយម=ដោយដំណើរនយោបាយសេដ្ឋកិច្ចបែបទីផ្សាសេរីតែមានតែបក្សពួកជំនិតៗទេដែលអាចប្រកួតប្រជែងនិងអាចដេញថ្លៃបាន។
  3. ការរៀបចំការបោះឆ្នោតបែបអសកល=ការរៀបចំការបោះឆ្នោតមួយដែលបន្សល់ទុកអ្នកបោះឆ្នោតរាប់លាននាក់មិនបានចូលរួមដូចជាមិនសំរួលអោយខ្មែរនៅក្រៅប្រទេសអាចចូលរួមបាន។
  4. ប្រព័ន្ធអប់រំបែបចង្អៀតចង្អល់=គួរយកផតហ្វូលីអូ១២ឆ្នាំដែលកូនសិស្សរៀនសូត្រដើម្បីវាស់កំរិតចំណេះដឹងជាប់ធ្លាក់ជាជាងយកការប្រឡងតែពីរថ្ងៃជារង្វាស់រង្វាល់។
  5. ពិធីកម្មរដ្ឋ=រាល់ការរៀចបំវេទិការផ្សេងៗ រមែងអោយអ្នកបំរើរាស្រ្តអង្គុយខ្ពស់ជាងរាស្ត្រម្ចាស់ប្រទេស។ ការធ្វើដំណើររបស់អ្នកមានអំណាចរមែងអុកឡុកផ្លូវចរាចររបស់រាស្ត្រ។ កំរាលព្រំក្រហមគួរអោយរាស្ត្រជាអ្នកដើរលើវិញ មិនមែនសំរាប់អ្នកបំរើរាស្ត្រទេ។ រាល់សមិទ្ធផលនានាគឺជាសមិទ្ធិផលរបស់រាស្ត្រ មិនមែនរបស់អស់លោកអ្នកមានអំណាចដែលចិញ្ចឹមជីវិតដោយប្រាក់បៀរ៌វត្សន៌ដែលរាស្ត្រប្រគល់អោយទេ។ សិស្សដែលទទួលបានពិន្ទុអាដ៏ច្រើនសន្ធឹកសន្ធាប់គឺចំនួន៤០៥នាក់ឆ្នាំនេះនឹងត្រូវទទួលរង្វាន់ជាតិ មិនមែនរង្វាន់ពីអ្នកបំរើជាតិជានីតិបុគ្គលទេ។
  6. គម្លាតសង្គមនិងសង្រ្គាមស្មារតី=គម្លាតសេដ្ឋកិច្ចគ្រួសារនៃប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅតែជាសាហេតុធំដែលមានការប្រឆាំងគ្នារវាងអ្នកមាននិងអ្នកក្រ អ្នកក្រុងនិងអ្នកជនបទ ហើយសង្រ្គាមស្មារតីទាំងនេះរមែងនាំទៅរកហានីយភ័យសង្គមខ្ពស់។
    ——-
Courtesy: Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport (MoEYS)

Courtesy: Ministry of Education, Youth and Sport (MoEYS)

Grade 12 high school exam this year passed 61.18% including one of my nephews. Actually, I want to question Ministry of Education on how they plan to help those more 47% failed students? Planning them to learn one year more? To migrate to work in Thailand? Or to be unemployed? Except no need to relearn again, those passed students shall tread in the same path as those failed students. To what I am so obsessed about is that the world is not using this method of exam to measure students’ competency any more, the world has used assessment method indeed. If students have used all perseverance during these 12 years, they shall be surely passed. And democratic countries don’t use exam as parameter to measure students’ competency because they do believe in growth mindset, not the fixed mindset.

More than this, Cambodia shall not afford sustainable development as government has pursued policy of “not an open society” and “exclusive”. We can investigate the policy of “exclusive” and “inclusive” with following indicators:

  1. Governing Politics=Government-led party has affirmed its policy by stating that only this party can maintain peace and development of the nation by excluding key opposition party with accusation that this party is a key actor of destroying peace and development; and put much effort to curb this party aiming to dissolve it eventually.
  2.  Planned Economy of Free Market of Crony Capitalism=to conduct free market economy but only close patrons and loyalists can run businesses and present a bid.
  3. Absence of Universal Suffrage Election=election that has excluded millions of voter unable to access to it, for instance the excluding of Cambodians overseas to register to vote and to vote.
  4. Fixed Mindset Education System=they should take students’ portfolio during their study of 12 years as a parameter to measure their growth and knowledge, not these few days exam.
  5. Government’s Rites/Functions=all public forums have always arranged the people’s servants to sit higher than the people. Each trip of the people’s servants has always interrupted the traffic of the people. All public goods are belonged to the people, not the people’s servants who are making a family living from salary afforded to offer by the people. Those excellent grade A students should receive the honour of national gift, not the gift of any people’s servant as an individual citizen.
  6. Social Gap and War of Spirit=family economy and social gap have remained a main cause of conflicts between the rich and the poor, the city dwellers and the farmers, and these war of spirit has become source of high social crisis for Cambodia.

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Posted by: | Posted on: September 3, 2016

When incumbent government changed which level of positions shall be changed?

Image Credit: Ari V/ Shutterstock.com

Image Credit: Ari V/ Shutterstock.com

Political history of Cambodia has illustrated less scene on how changing from government to government affects on incumbent government’s level of public servants? Major scenes are regime change which changed the whole system. But during the UN’s monitored election in 1993, the change of government was become impossible as two prime ministers and other two assigned duties to each political apparatus smoothly coordinated. During that time, some leaders said the change were down to principles and superintendents of public schools. This practice has surely affected on society unity and corruption embeddedness. Now, there are questions on how CNRP plan to change level of government’s positions when this party won election in 2018?

Believe it or not, Cambodia home-made democracy is a Raem Vong (round dance) approach. We have difficulty in jumping off from god-king politics to modern democracy politics. And the constraints are level of education and embedded behaviour of self-centric leadership. 25 years since the election in 1993, the political apparatus has not only visible from under-secretaries to upper echelon, the government-led party has likely viewed all public servants including teachers and arm-forces personnel are belonged to the party. Rationales behind this are following political abstracts: 1-party has survived them from atrocity, 2-party has fed them food and other amenity, 3-party has brought peace and security to them etc. Or sometime, the top leader boasted publicly about his rationales of his monopolistic suzerainty through what he has built roads, schools, and many other public goods especially his effort to maintain peace and security and capitalism etc.
Speaking from a pragmatism approach, CNRP which is inherited from decades of struggle has also been assimilated by this political behaviour, or caused by so-called Cambodia home-made democracy as sociologists may call it collective cognitive political behaviour.
Hence, CNRP has relied on pragmatism than idealism, or we can say maintaining outputs than throwing Sam Rainsy Returnout inputs because they don’t have much inputs to be thrown. We must agree that through this 25 years, human resource has hugely built within the government (government here refers to pragmatic collective body being inclusive of public servants, civil society member activists, and members of opposition political parties etc.) By looking from outside political behaviour, CNRP might at least take model of British Westminster System to its leadership core as this style is not only practised in those commonwealth states but also most democratic states. By looking at their key policy stating that CNRP stands on national reconciliation and unity by eradicating colouring each other, discrimination and patronage system through ameliorating following 6 core principles as you can read them all here , so I do believe CNRP must be working hard and working smart combining together.
Posted by: | Posted on: July 26, 2016

Cambodian’s democracy is not developing — it is stagnating

Photo: articlesweb.org

Photo: articlesweb.org

Comment: Nicely termed indeed to call Cambodia democracy “gray zone” or “foggy zone”. For me,  it is beyond that two zones acclaimed by academicians, it is a “risky ridge zone” between crocodile and tiger. Cambodian people know very well that China is crocodile and Vietnam is tiger. Kampuchea Democratic Party led by Pol Pot has evidenced on humankind devastation when their organ was purely given birth and bred by Vietnam but nurtured and nutrient by China. Under current leadership of government-led party CPP,  the history repeat itself.

—-=—–

Cambodian Democracy: Trapped in the ‘Gray Zone’

Op-Ed: The Diplomat http://thediplomat.com/2016/07/cambodian-democracy-trapped-in-the-gray-zone/

Cambodian’s democracy is not developing — it is stagnating.

By Chum Chandarin, July 27, 2016

I greatly appreciate that Parker Novak’s interest in Cambodian politics and that he foresees a positive outcome for Cambodian democracy. Unfortunately, as a Cambodian, I believe his article entitled “Cambodia’s Democratic Development: Short-Term Pain, Long-Term Gain,” fails to engage some facts which could lead to an unrealistic hope about Cambodian society and stagnate democratization.

While Novak observes the absence of violence and removal of some clauses in the cyber law as a positive trend toward democracy, he misses some important issues that are concerning democratic advocates and scholars around the globe. What is happening in Cambodian politics is not unique, compared to what is happening in Latin America as well as other Southeast Asian nations. A quick look at the Freedom House reports would reveal that Cambodia is still classified as an authoritarian state, as it has been for decades. Cambodia does not even fit into the minimalist conception of democracy introduced by Joseph Schumpeter — a ruler elected “through a competitive struggle for the people’s vote” — let alone Robert Dahl’s “polyarchy” which demands free and fair elections as well as the rights to participation, expression, and information.

The positive look at Cambodian democracy is misleading. Cambodia is falling into the “political gray zone,” a term coined by Thomas Carothers in the January 2002 issue of the Journal of Democracy, in an article entitled “The End of the Transition Paradigm.” The political gray zone is a space where countries are “neither dictatorial nor clearly headed toward democracy,” according to Carothers. The regimes have certain democratic institutions but are less accommodated to political opposition and civil society participation. Citizens in this gray zone context do not meaningfully participate in the polity besides voting and the political parties are entertaining each other without making any serious reforms toward a deeper democracy.

Similar to the gray zone, Andreas Schedler in 2002 introduced the term “foggy zone” where two types of regimes, electoral democracy and electoral authoritarianism, are produced in between the poles of closed authoritarianism and liberal democracy. To him, elections are needed for a democratic country, but true democracy has to go beyond the elections to the institutionalization of “other vital dimensions of democratic constitutionalism, such as the rule of law, political accountability, bureaucratic integrity, and public deliberation.”

Cambodia is trapped within the “foggy zone” and qualifies as an electoral authoritarian state as it has failed to institutionalize its democratic institutions. There are recurring free elections but not fair competition. The military is under one-man rule. The court is influenced by politics. Fundamental rights granted by the Constitution have been continuously violated. Clearly, the beatings of opposition members of parliament (MPs) in broad daylight in front of the National Assembly and the detention of opposition politicians are some of the many examples of ways the ruling party is abusing its own law.

Thus, to argue that Cambodia is heading toward a meaningful democracy, and shall merely bear some pain along the way, is to miscalculate the authoritarian’s ability to consolidate his power and manipulate democratic rules to camouflage his dictatorship. It will take a stronger push from both local and international actors to advocate for more meaningful democracy. Cambodians have been enduring enough pain, have lost many lives, and have vigorously spoken for true democracy in their country. If elections are the only road to democracy, yet the election does not reflect the people’s true will, what can Cambodians hope for?

CHUM Chandarin is a senior lecturer in a private University in Cambodia. He is currently undertaking his PhD study in the field of democracy and decentralization in a European university. He used to work with various organizations in the field of community development and education

Posted by: | Posted on: June 7, 2016

The legal accusations towards NEC’s high ranking officers is a threat to democracy

Political Paradigm of Pragmatism from the Khmer Youth part 66

Op-Ed: The CEROC

Rong Chhun-worker

Rong Chhun

7-NyChariya_0 (1)

Ny Chariya

 

 

This part (66) broadcasted by CMN Radio on May 23rd, 2016, Mr. Sophan Seng articulated on the ongoing interference of the Cambodia government-led party CPP towards the independent court as the court has executed Ny Chariya, secretary of National Election Committee (NEC), after pro-government Anti Corruption Unit (ACU) interrogated and detained him.

At the present, Rong Chhun who is member of nine high ranking officers of NEC was also reopened the past expiry case involving his status of President of Independent Teachers Association accused by the government on minimum wage protesting by the garment workers in 2014.

Both legal accusations towards NEC’s officers government suspected on their performance is a grave threatening towards the success of next commune election 2017 and national election 2018.

Posted by: | Posted on: June 4, 2016

Supreme Law Contradictions

Supreme Law Contradictions

Op-Ed: Dr. Gaffar Peang-Meth

Gaffar Peang-Meth A. 02Last month, I engaged in an extensive interview by email, responding to questions from Russian journalist Stephan Jarinsky. The convergence of developing responses to those questions and the recent death of a longtime friend with whom I collaborated when fighting Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia in the 1980s caused me to be particularly reflective.

One question that I found intriguing was Mr. Jarinsky’s inquiry about how to describe modern day Cambodia’s regime. I chose Cambodia’s Constitution, adopted in Phnom Penh in 1993, as a point of discussion. The contrast between the promises described in the governing document and the execution of governmental functions by an autocratic and unaccountable regime could not be more stark. I spent more than a decade of my life trying to install a democratic regime in Cambodia. Countless friends and brave combatants were lost in that struggle. What we “won” was a government based on a Constitution that was the foundation for hope.

Article 1 says, “Cambodia is a Kingdom with a King who shall rule according to the Constitution and to the principles of liberal democracy and pluralism.” Article 8 makes the King “a symbol of unity and eternity of the nation”; the “guarantor of national independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity,” “the protector of rights and freedoms of all citizens and the guarantor of international treaties”; and Article 9 assigns the King the “august role of arbitrator to ensure the faithful execution of public powers.” Today the King is a virtual prisoner in the royal palace compound, reminded ominously by the regime in power that his security cannot be guaranteed if he ventures into his country.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kDgTSfzlTe4&feature=youtu.be

Article 31 states, “The Kingdom of Cambodia shall recognize and respect human rights as stipulated in the United Nations Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the covenants and conventions related to human rights, women’s and children’s rights.” Article 32 states: “Every Khmer citizen shall have the right to life, personal freedom and security”; Article 38, “The law guarantees there shall be no physical abuse against any individual. The law shall protect life, honor, and dignity of the citizens . . .” These rights are not enforced. Thousands have been forcibly evicted from their lands so that the property may be sold or leased to foreign entities that have paid officials for the privilege. Citizens have been beaten and jailed for civil protests, have had their ballots negated.  Neither the security of person or property is assured.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=92n7voCySPc&feature=youtu.be

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dMlxMiT1lgY

An old friend of mine wrote four decades ago about a false choice between the killing fields of Pol Pot and the new killing fields that were created by Vietnamese invading troops that installed the current regime and by the corrupt regime that has endured. My friend referred to that false choice as being caught between the plague and cholera.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0HH8hABiqHI&feature=youtu.be

Article 150 says, “This Constitution shall be the Supreme law of the Kingdom of Cambodia.” Perhaps one day it shall be.  But today it is not.

Gaffar Peang-Meth, Ph.D., is retired from the University of Guam where he taught political science for 13 years. He can be contacted at peangmeth@gmail.com.