ភាពឯកោរបស់ហ៊ុនសែន បុណ្យមាឃបូជានិងការចាប់ផ្សឹកព្រះសង្ឃហោ សុខុន

សប្តាហ៍នេះជាដើមខែនៃបុណ្យមាឃបូជា ជាបុណ្យសំខាន់សម្រាប់អ្នកកាន់ព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនា។ មាឃបូជាត្រូវបានពុទ្ធបរិស័ទចាត់ទុកថាជាថ្ងៃបុណ្យរំលឹកដល់ព្រះធម៍នៅពេលដែលវិសាខបូជារំលឹកដល់ព្រះពុទ្ធ និងអាសាឍបូជារំលឹកដល់ព្រះសង្ឃ។

តែអ្វីដែលធ្វើអោយពុទ្ធបរិស័ទទូទាំងប្រទេសនិងជុំវិញពិភពលោកភ្ញាក់ផ្អើលនៅពេលនេះគឺការចាប់ផ្សឹកព្រះតេជគុណហោ-សុខុនទាំងយប់អាធ្រាតថ្ងៃទី១៣ខែកុម្ភៈឆ្នាំ២០១៩នេះនៅវត្តបទុមវតី រាជធានីភ្នំពេញ។ សូមបញ្ជាក់ថាព្រះតេជគុណហោ-សុខុនជាព្រះចៅអធិការវត្តច្បារអំពៅមានទស្សនទានព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនាផ្សាភ្ជាប់សង្គមដ៏ខ្លាំងក្លា ហើយរមែងកោតសរសើរមន្ត្រីជាច្រើនក្នុងជួររដ្ឋាភិបាលមានលោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីហ៊ុន-សែនជាដើម។ ជាពិសេសជាងនេះទៅទៀតនោះ ព្រះសង្ឃអង្គនេះហ៊ានចេញមុខតវ៉ានិងប្តឹងលោកខឹម-វាសនា មេដឹកនាំបក្សសម្ព័ន្ធដើម្បីលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យដែលរមែងប្រើវោហាសាស្ត្រអសុរសវាយប្រហារប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរ ព្រះសង្ឃ និងប្រទេសជាតិខ្លួនឯង តែរមែងគេចផុតពីសំណាញ់ច្បាប់។

សារចុងក្រោយដែលអាចនាំទៅរកការចាប់ផ្សឹកនេះគឺការដែលព្រះតេជគុណហោ-សុខុនអានអត្ថបទឡាយតាមហ្វេសប៊ុកសរសើរដល់លោកស-ខេងប្រៀបប្រដូចទៅនឹងផ្កាយសំណាងរបស់កម្ពុជាដែលអាចស្រោចស្រង់ប្រទេសជាតិពីវិបត្តិបច្ចុប្បន្ន។ អ្នកដែលទៅសួរនាំលោកដល់វត្តអំពីសុន្ទរកថានេះគឺលោកជា-សុផារ៉ានិងអភិបាលរាជធានីភ្នំពេញខួង-ស្រេងដែលគេស្គាល់ថាជាមនុស្សស្និទនឹងលោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីហ៊ុន-សែន។

ការផ្សឹកព្រះសង្ឃហោ-សុខុនគឺប្រផ្នូលនៃការបែកបាក់ដែលមិនអាចផ្សះផ្សាវិញបាន

ជារឿយៗ លោកស-ខេងត្រូវបានមហាជនស្គាល់តាមរយៈភាពមុឺងម៉ាត់ក្នុងការគោរពច្បាប់និងមានចំណេះដឹងខ្ពស់ខាងដឹកនាំប្រទេសតាមនីតិរដ្ឋ ដែលផ្ទុយពីលោកហ៊ុន-សែនដែលរមែងបត់បែននិងជាន់ឈ្លីលើច្បាប់ក្នុងន័យរក្សាអំណាចក្នុងមោទនភាពនយោបាយឈ្នះៗរបស់ខ្លួន។ អ្នកទាំងពីរមានទស្សនៈដឹកនាំប្រទេសជាតិខុសគ្នាឆ្ងាយណាស់រាប់ចាប់តាំងពីលោកជា-សុីមមកម្លេះ។ មហាជនយល់ថាលោកស-ខេងប្រៀបបាននឹងទឹកត្រជាក់ដែលត្រីទាំងឡាយរមែងមកស្នាក់អាស្រ័យ។ ចំណែងលោកហ៊ុន-សែនប្រៀបបាននឹងភ្លើងដែលរមែងឆាបឆេះជារៀងរហូត។ ជាលទ្ធផល មកដល់ថ្ងៃនេះលោកស-ខេងប្រមូលបានអំណាចទន់និងប្រជាប្រីយភាពខ្ពស់ក្នុងជួរថ្នាក់ដឹកនាំគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា នៅពេលដែលលោកហ៊ុន-សែនបានប្រឹងកៀរគរកំលាំងប្រដាប់អាវុធមកដាក់ខាងខ្លួនបានស្ទើទាំងស្រុងទាំងកំឡាំងយោធានិងប៉ូលីស។ លោកហ៊ុន-សែនមិនគ្រាន់តែស្ងប់ចិត្តជាមួយកំឡាំងប្រដាប់អាវុធ ទាំងកំឡាំងអង្គរក្សទាំង៦០០០ពាន់នាក់ដែលស្វាមីភក្តិចំពោះខ្លួននិងកំឡាំងយោធាជាតិដែលមានកូនច្បងរបស់ខ្លួនជាមេបញ្ជាការថ្មីថ្មោងនោះទេ លោកហ៊ុន-សែនបានប្រឹងកៀរគរច្បាមយកសេដ្ឋកិច្ចជាតិទាំងមូលមកដាក់ក្រោមចំណុះរបស់ខ្លួនផងដែរ។ តាមសារវីដេអូឃ្លឹបរបស់ព្រះសង្ឃហោ-សុខុន ព្រះអង្គសរសើរដល់គុណសម្បត្តិរបស់លោកស-ខេងចំៗតែម្តង ដែលជារឿយៗលោកស-ខេងមិនហ៊ានទទួលយកជាសាធារណៈទេ។ ការកោតសរសើរនេះកើតឡើងមិនប៉ុន្មានថ្ងៃក្រោយការលេចធ្លាយឯកសារអ្នកស្រឡាញ់ស្នេហាគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាវាយប្រហារខ្លាំងៗទៅលើលោកហ៊ុន-សែនដែលបានដឹកនាំប្រទេសកាន់តែផ្តាច់ការនិងគ្មានហេតុផលខ្លាំងឡើងៗក្នុងពេលបច្ចុប្បន្ន។

Bhikkhu Ho Sokhon was forcefully disrobed in the night of Feb. 13, 2019

លោកហ៊ុន-សែនហាក់ដូចជាជឿក្នុងខ្លួនថាពេលណាខ្លួនក្តោបក្តាប់ទាំងស្រុងនូវកងកំឡាំងប្រដាប់អាវុធនិងសេដ្ឋកិច្ចបានគឺគ្មាននរណាផ្តួលរំលំលោកបានទេ!

ការសន្និដ្ឋានបែបនេះកើតឡើងនៅពេលដែលលោកហ៊ុន-សែនរើខ្លួនចេញរួចពីបាតុកម្មមហាជនរាប់លាននាក់ដឹកនាំដោយគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិក្នុងឆ្នាំ២០១៣ប្រឆាំងនឹងលទ្ធផលបោះឆ្នោត។ ពេលនោះលោកហ៊ុន-សែនរុញកូនអុកទៅក្នុងក្រឡា៥យ៉ាងគឺ

១. ប្រូម៉ូតខ្លួនឯងតាមបណ្តាញសង្គមហ្វេសប៊ុកដើម្បីយកប្រៀបលើសម-រង្សុី និងយល់ព្រមតាមសំណើររបស់គណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិតាមចំណុចណាដែលខ្លួនបានប្រៀប។

២.ពង្រីកកំឡាំងអសន្តិសុខខ្លួនឯងដែលគាត់ហៅថាក្រុមបាតដៃទី៣ឬក្រុមប្រជាការពារដោយមានលោកហុឹង-ប៊ុនហៀងជាមេដឹកនាំក្នុងការដឹកនាំកំចាត់នៅក្រៅសំណាញ់ច្បាប់ទាំងក្រុមប្រឆាំងនិងក្រុមរដ្ឋាភិបាល។

៣. បង្កើនថាមពលនិងសព្វាវុធដល់ក្រុមអង្គរក្សផ្ទាល់ខ្លួន កំណែរទម្រង់កងយោធពលខេមរភូមិន្ទនិងប៉ូលីសដោយដាក់មនុស្សសំខាន់ៗដែលទុកចិត្តមានកូនៗនិងសាច់ញាតិជាដើម។

៤.្ ពង្រឹងនិងពង្រីកអំណាចក្រៅច្បាប់របស់ខ្លួនដើម្បីធ្វើអោយប្រាកដថាស្ថាប័នព្រះមហាក្សត្រ រដ្ឋសភា តុលាការ និងមន្ត្រីរាជការសុីវិលមានមនុស្សដែលស្មោះស្ម័គ្រខ្លួន ហើយពួកគេអាចធ្វើសកម្មភាពបានគ្រប់ពេលវេលាទាំងល្មើសច្បាប់ក៏អាចធ្វើបានដោយគ្មានទោសទណ្ឌ។

៥. ប្រគល់ដងខ្លួនមួយកំណាត់អោយទៅវៀតណាមនិងមួយកំណាត់ទៀតអោយទៅចិនដើម្បីអោយមានការគាំទ្រគំរោងបន្តអំណាចរបស់ខ្លួននិងការធ្វើសន្តតិវង្សមូបនីយកម្ម។

ជាលទ្ធផលលោកហ៊ុន-សែនធ្វើបានសម្រេចក្នុងរយៈពេល៣ឆ្នាំនេះដោយរំលាយគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិនិងដកបក្សដ៏ខ្លាំងក្លានេះចេញពីសៃវេណបោះឆ្នោតប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ និងបោះឆ្នោតលែងសើចក្តោបក្តាប់យកកៅអីសភាទាំង១២៥មកកាន់កាប់។

ប៉ុន្តែផលកម្មនៃគំរោងអធម៍នេះបានរួមរឹតលោកហ៊ុន-សែនទៅវិញ៖

១. ក្លាយជារដ្ឋាភិបាលមិនស្របច្បាប់ឬខ្វះធម្មានុរូបពិតប្រាកដ

២. កាន់តែពង្រឹងកំឡាំងទ័ពនិងកំឡាំងសេដ្ឋកិច្ច ក្រុមមេដឹកនាំគ្រាក់ៗនិងសមាជិកបក្សកាន់តែមានសមានចិត្តដល់លោកស-ខេង

៣. អុីយូ សហរដ្ឋអេមរិក អូស្ត្រាលី កាណាដា និងអង្គការសហប្រជាជាតិ នឹងមានវិធានការណ៌ខ្លាំងក្លាជាបន្តបន្ទាប់លើភាពឆ្គាំឆ្គងរបស់លោកហ៊ុន-សែន

៤. លោកត្រាំទៅជួបប្រជុំលោកគីម-ចុងអ៊ុននៅវៀតណាមខាងមុខនេះនឹងជាសញ្ញាថាវៀតណាមយកអាមេរិកជាបង្អែកក្នុងន័យធ្វើតុល្យភាពអំណាចជាមួយចិនក៏ដូចជាអាចនឹងប្រគល់ដងខ្លួនមួយចំហៀងនោះអោយមកហ៊ុន-សែនវិញ។ និង

៥. ពេលបច្ចឹមប្រទេសផ្តាច់កិច្ចអនុគ្រោះពន្ធពីកម្ពុជា ចិនជាអ្នកបាត់បងចំណូលច្រើនជាងគេពីព្រោះរោងចក្រកាត់ដេរជាង៦០០នៅកម្ពុជា ចិនជាអ្នកផ្គត់ផ្គង់វត្ថុធាតុដើម ហើយម្ចាស់រោងចក្រភាគច្រើនគឺជាជនជាតិចិន។

ហ៊ុន-សែននឹងក្លាយជាជនឯកាបន្តិចម្តងៗ មិនខុសពីភ្លើងបើឆេះសន្ធរសន្ធៅនៅកន្លែងណា មហាជននាំគ្នារត់ចេញពីកន្លែងនោះ។

ការផ្សឹកព្រះសង្ឃហោ-សុខុនគឺជាការជាន់ឈ្លីព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនាដែលអាចនាំទៅរកការមួរម៉ៅក្តៅក្រហាយដល់ពុទ្ធសាសនិកជនខ្មែរ

ព្រះសង្ឃដែលមានអបត្តិបរាជិក៤ ទើបអាចផ្សឹកបាន។ ព្រះសង្ឃហោ-សុខុនដែលជាអ្នកគាំទ្រគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាយ៉ាងប្តូរផ្តាច់ ព្រះអង្គគ្រាន់តែទេសនាវែកញែកតាមរយៈការច្របាច់បញ្ចូលគ្នារវាងធម៍និងសង្គម ឬគ្រាន់តែជាការសរសើរនិងនិន្ទាតាមទស្សនគតិផ្ទាល់ខ្លួន មិនអាចខុសវិន័យរហូតដល់មានការចាប់ផ្សឹកនោះទេ។ ប្រការនេះជាការជាន់ឈ្លឺព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនាយ៉ាងកំរោល។ ប្រទេសកម្ពុជាមានវត្តប្រហែលជាង៤០០០វត្ត និងមានព្រះសង្ឃប្រហែលជាង៦០០០០អង្គ។ ក្នុងចំណោមប្រជាពលរដ្ឋជាង១៥លាននាក់ ៩៨ភាគរយជាអ្នកជឿនិងប្រតិបត្តិព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនា។


ការប្រកាសវិលត្រឡប់ចូលកម្ពុជាវិញរបស់លោកសម-រង្សុីធ្វើអោយហ៊ុន-សែនឆ្លេរឆ្លារកាន់តែខ្លាំងឡើងៗ

ក្នុងវ័យជរានិងមានជំងឺប្រចាំរាងកាយទៀត លោកហ៊ុន-សែនកំពុងប្រឈមបញ្ហាសព្វបែបយ៉ាង ទាំងផ្ទៃក្នុងបក្ស ទាំងការបាត់បង់សំលេងគាំទ្រពីប្រជាជននិងអន្តរជាតិ និងការត្រឡប់មកប្រទេសកម្ពុជាវិញរបស់លោកសម-រង្សុី។ ត្រូវកត់ចំណាំថាគំរោងវិលត្រឡប់មកប្រទេសវិញរបស់លោកសម-រង្សុីនឹងអាចមិនខុសគ្នាពីការប្រកាសជាប្រធានាធិបតីស្តីទីរបស់លោកជួន កៃដូ នៃប្រទេសវេណាស៊ូអេឡាទេ។ លោកសម-សង្សុីនឹងត្រូវប្រជាពលរដ្ឋមកទទួលស្វាគមន៍រាប់លាននាក់ដូចកំឡុងឆ្នាំង២០១៣ អន្តរជាតិជាពិសេសប្រទេសលោកសេរីនិងអង្គការសហប្រជាជាតិមិនអាចមិនអើរពើរ នឹងអមដំណើរលោកសម-រង្សុីនិងគណៈប្រតិភូរបស់គាត់ផងដែរ។

Greeting crowd to welcome Sam Rainsy from abroad lining up from Airport to Phnom Penh city: this photo is at the Cabinet of Minister or House of PM Hun Sen in that Time.
Spread the love
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  

US, China Face Off Over Legacy in Cambodia

US, China Face Off Over Legacy in Cambodia


“China supported the Khmer Rouge during the 1970-1975 war and was the sole critical supporter throughout the 1975-1979 Democratic Kampuchea period of genocide. With Chinese money and support, Pol Pot carried out the period of murder, starvation and brutality.” – Said Elizabeth Becker

ចិនគាំទ្រខ្មែរក្រហមក្នុងកំឡុងសង្គ្រាមឆ្នាំ១៩៧០-១៩៧៥ ហើយជាអ្នកគាំទ្រសំខាន់តែមួយគត់ក្នុងរវាងឆ្នាំ១៩៧៥-១៩៧៩នៃរបបប្រលៃពូជសាសន៌កម្ពុជាប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ។ ជាមួយថវិការនិងការគាំទ្ររបស់ចិន ប៉ុល-ពតប្រតិបត្តិការវាលពិឃាត ទុរភិកអត់ឃ្លាន និងឃោរឃៅព្រៃផ្សៃ។ – ដោយអេលីសាបុិត បែកខើរ

Op-Ed: VOA Khmer

February 09, 2019 10:40 PM


FILE - A man cleans a skull near a mass grave at the Chaung Ek torture camp run by the Khmer Rouge in this undated photo. The last surviving leaders of the Khmer Rouge regime were convicted of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes Nov. 16 by an international tribunal.
FILE – A man cleans a skull near a mass grave at the Chaung Ek torture camp run by the Khmer Rouge in this undated photo. The last surviving leaders of the Khmer Rouge regime were convicted of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes Nov. 16 by an international tribunal.

 PHNOM PENH, CAMBODIA  — 

Almost half a century ago, the U.S.-backed Gen. Lon Nol led a coup in March 1970, overthrowing Cambodia’s King Norodom Sihanouk while the monarch visited Moscow.

Sihanouk took refuge in Beijing until 1975, when brutal Khmer Rouge guerrillas leading a resistance movement against Lon Nol’s Khmer Republic captured Phnom Penh on April 17 and took over the country.

Sihanouk initially supported the Khmer Rouge regime and was installed as head of state by the communists but resigned in 1976. He spent the rest of the regime as a de facto prisoner of the Khmer Rouge, which wreaked havoc on the country, killing or starving to death an estimated 1.7 million people from 1975 to 1979.

FILE- Cambodia's King Norodom Sihanouk in Vichy, Jan. 11, 1980. Cambodia's former King Norodom Sihanouk, whose life mirrored the turbulent history of his nation where he remained a revered figure, died in Beijing, Oct. 15, 2012, at the age of 89.
FILE- Cambodia’s King Norodom Sihanouk in Vichy, Jan. 11, 1980. Cambodia’s former King Norodom Sihanouk, whose life mirrored the turbulent history of his nation where he remained a revered figure, died in Beijing, Oct. 15, 2012, at the age of 89.

Echoes of the Cold War

Today, that sequence of events reverberates in a diplomatic face-off in Phnom Penh that echoes the Cold War even as it has gone viral in Cambodia. The online skirmish began when the U.S. Embassy posted a statement on its Facebook page, Jan. 30, saying the Khmer Rouge “ignorantly depended on a superpower,” an apparent reference to China. The embassy later issued comments claiming Washington was not involved in the coup led by Lon Nol that ousted Sihanouk.

“Instead, there is a lot of evidence showing that [the] Chinese government actively supported [the] Khmer Rouge from 1975 to 1979 and after that,” read a post by the U.S. Embassy.

In response, the Chinese Embassy posted a statement on its Facebook page, Feb. 1, mocking the idea that the coup “was not related to the U.S., but the CIA.”

Elizabeth Becker, author of When the War was Over: Cambodia and the Khmer Rouge Revolution, said the current tit-for-tat was “a distorted argument started by the Hun Sen government.”

“The subject is too serious for these propaganda potshots,” she wrote VOA Khmer in an email. “Both China and the U.S. have blood on their hands.”

FILE - A photo taken in the 1970 outside of Cambodia, shows China's chairman Mao Ze Dong, left, greeting top Khmer Rouge official Ieng Sary, right, also known as " brother number three," while Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot, center, looks on.
FILE – A photo taken in the 1970 outside of Cambodia, shows China’s chairman Mao Ze Dong, left, greeting top Khmer Rouge official Ieng Sary, right, also known as ” brother number three,” while Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot, center, looks on.

War of words

Chheang Vannarith, president of the Asian Vision Institute (AVI), an independent think tank based in Phnom Penh, said the current war of words is another indication that the U.S.-China competition in Cambodia will continue to intensify.

“I think Cambodia has become the proxy of U.S.-China geopolitical rivalry,” he said in an email. “The winner writes history. It is … real politics.”

Meas Nee, a political analyst who holds a doctorate in sociology and international social work from La Trobe University in Melbourne, Australia, said Cambodia should be cautious of falling into a trap if a new Cold War emerges.

“Those two superpowers can take advantage” of a vulnerable country like Cambodia, he said, adding that Phnom Penh’s closeness with Beijing makes it unlikely to take a stand. China is Cambodia’s largest aid donor.

Although many consider the U.S. involvement to be a matter of historical record, Emily Zeeberg, U.S. Embassy spokeswoman, told VOA Khmer that there was “no evidence that the United States was involved in the coup that brought Lon Nol to power.”

FILE - President Lon Nol in Cambodia in 1972.
FILE – President Lon Nol in Cambodia in 1972.

“The United States has addressed its war legacy by long-standing and substantial efforts for humanitarian demining and removing unexploded ordnance (UXO), including the removal of hundreds of thousands of Chinese-made mines, which have injured and killed people for decades,” she said in an email.

“We hope the Chinese government will acknowledge its legacy in Cambodia and make amends to all the Cambodians its policies affected,” Zeeberg added.

Repeated efforts to reach the Chinese Embassy in Cambodia were unsuccessful.

Phay Siphan, a Cambodian government spokesman, could not be reached for comment.

Cambodia’s Ministry of National Defense said in a statement issued last week that Cambodia had suffered from a civil war that arose from “a coup supported by United States in 1970.”

“Cambodia doesn’t want to see the same history, as Cambodia has full peace,” it read.

‘Supporting the Khmer Rouge’

Sophal Ear, associate professor of diplomacy and world affairs at Occidental College at Los Angeles, said: “It looks like the U.S. Embassy simply reminded Cambodia of who was supporting the Khmer Rouge at their height of power-1975-1979.”

“Indeed, with the withdrawal of the U.S., the Khmer Republic collapsed,” he added.

Continue reading “US, China Face Off Over Legacy in Cambodia”
Spread the love
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  

Is Cambodia’s Foreign Policy Heading in the Right Direction?

Is Cambodia’s Foreign Policy Heading in the Right Direction?

Cambodia needs to recalibrate its relationships with the US and EU, or risk becoming overly reliant on China.

Op-Ed: The Diplomat

By Kimkong Heng, February 08, 2019       

Cambodia’s foreign policy has seen remarkable improvements after 1993 when the country held its UN-organized national election. The Cambodian government’s efforts to integrate Cambodia into the region and the world have resulted in Cambodia’s membership in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1999 and the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2004. The Kingdom has overall had good relations with its neighbors and other countries in Southeast Asia and beyond.

Courtesy: Cabinet of Minister in its routine meeting

However, as a small state Cambodia has limited strategic space to maneuver and its foreign policy dynamics face considerable challenges. The country is seen to lean toward China, its closest ally and its largest economic and military benefactor, at the expense of good relations with other countries. Cambodia’s close embrace of China has become more evident since 2012. From blocking ASEAN joint statements to supporting Beijing’s One China policy, Cambodia continues to demonstrate its willingness to embrace China. In turn, China has reciprocated through increasing “no strings attached” aid and loans to Cambodia.

Both countries upgraded their relations to a comprehensive strategic partnership in 2010, and as of now China is Cambodia’s largest foreign direct investor. The trade volume between the two countries was valued at $5.8 billion in 2017, by which time China had given approximately $4.2 billion to Cambodia in the form of aid and soft loans.

While Cambodia is seen to enjoy its reciprocal relationship with the world’s second largest economy, its relations with the West look set to deteriorate.

Following the dissolution of the opposition Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP) in 2017 and the controversial national election in 2018, which saw the ruling party sweep all seats in the National Assembly, Cambodia’s ties with the United States reached a new low. The United States has imposed visa sanctions on high-ranking Cambodian government officials, withdrawn aid commitments, and further imposed financial sanctions, including asset freezes on the commander of Prime Minister Hun Sen’s bodyguard unit. The Cambodian ruling elites have condemned these sanctions and have repeatedly made reference to the U.S. bombing of Cambodia during the Vietnam War, rhetoric Hun Sen’s government has often used to criticize the US.

Cambodia’s ties with the European Union now also face challenges. The EU has begun the internal process to withdraw its Everything But Arms (EBA) trade preferences from Cambodia, a move the European bloc initiated in response to the Cambodia government’s perceived lack of commitment to improve its human, labor, and political rights situation. In return, Cambodia issued a communiqué calling the EU trade threat an extreme injustice. The EU has been also accused of using double standards in its treatment of Cambodia. Further, Prime Minister Hun Sen has recently warned that he would put an end to the opposition party if the EU withdraws the EBA from Cambodia.

Cambodia’s foreign policy toward the United States and the EU, analyzed in terms of recent developments, appears not to be heading in the right direction. It is not wise for Cambodia, as a small developing country, to fight against or alienate itself from the world’s largest economy and the world’s largest trading bloc. Although the Cambodian government may have strong support from China, its current approach toward the United States and the EU will not be helpful in the long run. It is certainly better to have friends on both sides of the world, rather than adopt a one-sided orientation toward friendship and foreign policy.

Hun Sen and his ruling elites’ powerful narratives of war, peace, development, poverty reduction, independence, and sovereignty are well developed and seem to be well received by many Cambodians who have first- or even second-hand experience of the atrocities of the Khmer Rouge. Most Cambodians, if not all, would not like to experience or hear about war or social instability again at all. However, they also expect more from their country and leaders. In addition to peace and stability, they have a strong desire for better opportunities, freedom, and human rights. They want to see many social issues being addressed. While they are hopeful for the future of Cambodia, they may also be worried about a possible worst-case scenario where their country may fall victim to a new cold war in Southeast Asia. Specifically, it is conceivable that Cambodia may become an object of strategies used by China and the United States in their competition for dominance in the international system and in Southeast Asia in particular.

Cambodia’s close alignment with China, although important for Cambodia’s economic development and the ruling elites’ legitimacy, does not seem to bring about sustainable and inclusive development for all. Chinese investment, aid, and loans are generally directed at the government and the Cambodian elites. Unlike the Chinese way, the Western approach to aid, loans, and investment projects is usually channelled through non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and aimed at benefiting ordinary Cambodians. Although the number and amount of aid and development projects from the West are few, when compared with a large and increasing number of the Chinese investment projects, they are usually seen to promote accountability, sustainability, and inclusiveness. Chinese investment projects, however, tend to lack transparency and accountability, leading to many environmental and social issues in Cambodia. Thus, the impact of China’s development projects on the sustainable development of Cambodia is still an open question.

Continue reading “Is Cambodia’s Foreign Policy Heading in the Right Direction?”
Spread the love
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  

Cambodia’s Geopolitics at High Risk

Cambodia vs. Venezuala

Again, Cambodia is risking itself by the power-thirst leader to plunge this country into another chapter of chaos and uncertainty. After the jailing opposition leader Kem Sokha in September 2017, the dissolving largest political party Cambodia National Rescue Party in November 2017, and banned the 118 opposition politicians from politics; the government paved way for its own party to the election to sweep all 125 parliamentary seats. The election was a sham and no democratic countries has recognized this poll.

The situation today of Cambodia is not different from Venezuela’s. While dictator Nicolas Maduro banned opposition party from taking part in the election, Cambodian government through its extending hand ie. the supreme court dissolved the opposition party CNRP from the political space disrespectful to the nearly half of country’s population who have voted for this party.

Siding with China solely is not only violating Cambodia’s Constitution but poking America’s eyes

Cambodia’s slide toward autocracy, which culminated in the Cambodian People’s Party’s retention of power and complete dominance of the national legislature, opens the way for a constitutional amendment that could lead to a Chinese military presence in the country.

ការរអិលចូលទៅក្នុងរបបផ្តាច់ការរបស់កម្ពុជា ដែលរុញដល់កំពូលក្នុងការកាន់កាប់អំណាចរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាកម្ពុជានិងការគ្រប់គ្រងទាំងស្រុងនៃរដ្ឋសភាជាតិ បើកផ្លូវសម្រាប់ការធ្វើវិសោធនកម្មច្បាប់រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញដែលអាចនាំទៅរកវត្តមានយោធាចិនក្នុងប្រទេស។

Read the entire article in pdf

Connect to original link

The Human Rights Committee in Cambodia is the Protector of the Government not the People’s Rights

Keo Remy, the chair of Cambodia Human Rights Committee read his statement with a high praise and proud privileges for the government in which undermines itself from key objectives, code of conduct and professionalism. This is the anatomy of single-party state governance including the ACU, the Assembly, the Judiciary, and the Arm-force etc.

Cambodia Review – 32nd Session of Universal Periodic Review, 30 Jan 2019 –  UPR of Cambodia

Spread the love
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •  
  •