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Reading this latest article by Elizabeth Becker, a well-known journalist and author on Cambodia, Mu Sochua is considered the most outspoken woman for Cambodian women. With her decades of social activism and politician professional, Madame Sochua has sharply faced off with patriarchal society of Cambodia under dictatorship leadership so-called “strongman Hun Sen”. The plight of Cambodia has been known to the outside world by the Angkor the Great and the Pol Pot the Genocidal, while the in-between this two dichotomy is the flip-flip, deceitful, tactical, corrupt, dictatorial, and irrational leadership of Hun Sen.
Madame Sochua is among those survivals from the killing field of Pol Pot who have been embedded by the strongest mindset and determination to bring about hopes and smiles to Cambodians and their children through the pathway of democracy and human rights. She is determined to follow struggling model of Burmeses civic rights Aung San Suu Kyi. Once, she was proposed for Nobel Peace Prize nomination. Cambodian people and many journalists had keenly named her “Cambodian Aung San Suu Kyi”.
Aung San Suu Kyi accepted to stay in house arrest by rejecting Burmese junta suppressed her to living in self-exile. Her optimism and pragmatism have resulted in power sharing with the Junta through a model the Western world called “gradual but pragmatic democratization of Myanmar”. First, she was a Nobel Peace Prize candidate, but it has been discarded later when she is blamed for joining hand with the Junta to discriminate against Rohingya muslim minority; and she has been named “from peace icon to pariah”. Thus, her recent victory over the Junta under her leadership of National League for Democracy (NLD) party, is a testimony of her “optimism and pragmatism” yielding through her decades of judicial struggle against the Junta. During her time under house arrest, Aung San Suu Kyi devoted herself to Buddhist meditation practices and to studying Buddhist thought. This deeper interest in Buddhism is reflected in her writings as more emphasis is put on love and compassion.
According to Elizabeth Becker “Sochua is a reminder of the unbearable personal sacrifices required to protect and promote democracy in this age of brutal tyrants, especially for women” and her devotion to return back to Cambodia in November 9, 2019 of Cambodia Independence Day, was a reality. She has never given up to return back to Cambodia. Her age is rolling up with her strength in determination, devotion, and dedication. Her bogus charges by the Deputy Persecutor Seng Heang of “inciting to commit a felony and plotting” was set to trial this November 26, 2020 but adjourned to January and March, 2021, among those 150 people as en mass trial by the Phnom Penh Municipal Court. Mu Sochua has determined to go back on time but due to entering ban by Hun Sen government, she missed this first trial while a lawyer worked on her behalf. But the next hearing, she is certainly present at the Court.
She is loyal to Sam Rainsy and all CNRP leaders who have fresh and collective mindset to “make Cambodia better” through pathway of genuine democracy, the rule of laws, social justice, and human rights. She and her colleagues shall be in Cambodia this January the latest the world must keep eyes on!
Mr. Hun Sen prefers “democracy” in which voters have only one choice. លោកហ៊ុនសែនជ្រើសយកប្រជាធិបតេយ្យដែលប្រជាពលរដ្ឋអ្នកបោះឆ្នោតមានជំរើសបក្សតែមួយប៉ុណ្ណោះ។
Cambodia’s strongman wants ‘democracy’ without competition
Cambodian opposition leader Sam Rainsy in Tokyo in November 2015. (Yoshikazu Tsuno/AFP/Getty Images)By Editorial Board Oct. 27, 2019 at 4:25 p.m. PDT
HUN SEN, the authoritarian prime minister of Cambodia, is worried, and is using every trick in the book to threaten Sam Rainsy of the banned opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party, who plans to return to Cambodia from exile on Nov. 9. Mr. Hun Sen dominates parliament and politics — his ruling party won all 125 seats in parliament in the 2018 election — but still shows signs of insecurity over the return of Mr. Rainsy, an exponent of democracy, returning for the first time in four years.
Mr. Rainsy’s supporters have been flashing a nine-fingers sign to mark the date. The prime minister told students during remarks at a recent graduation ceremony, “Don’t ever join the nine-fingers campaign. If you dare do it, you should have one of your remaining fingers cut off.” Speaking of Mr. Rainsy, he added, “It is a plot to carry out a coup d’etat, for regime change! Millions of people and armed forces are waiting for you on November 9. Your head is not made from iron.”
Mr. Rainsy, who led his party to large gains in the 2013 and 2017 elections, has also been blunt about his intentions, telling Radio Free Asia’s Khmer Service that the goal of his return is to lead a “tsunami” of his followers to restore democracy and arrest Mr. Hun Sen. He also vowed to “liberate” Kem Sokha, a co-founder of the banned party, who has been under house arrest since 2017 on fabricated charges of treason.AD
Since Mr. Rainsy’s return was announced in August, Cambodian authorities have launched a fresh crackdown on members of the outlawed party. More than 50 have been charged with crimes, and 31 have been jailed, according to Human Rights Watch. All the charges “appear to be baseless and politically motivated,” Human Rights Watch said. Ideally, Mr. Rainsy’s return should be an opportunity to breathe some competition into the political scene. Mr. Hun Sen prefers “democracy” in which voters have only one choice.
Not surprisingly, the prime minister would also prefer to be unbothered by independent journalism. A trial of two journalists has moved from being unjust to being just farce. Espionage charges should never have been brought against Uon Chhin and Yeang Sothearin, who worked for Radio Free Asia. Their trial concluded Aug. 9. Instead of a verdict, the judge ordered a new investigation. The case stems from Radio Free Asia’s closing of its bureau in Phnom Penh in September 2017, following threats from the government. Three days after the bureau’s closure, the reporters filed one more story, which was published. Nevertheless, the Cambodian government warned that any journalists still working for Radio Free Asia would be treated as spies. In November 2017, the journalists were charged with “illegally collecting information for a foreign source,” and a charge of producing pornography was later added. The journalists say they are innocent and have appealed. The case is a travesty of justice and should be dismissed.
To most outsiders, as well as many Cambodians, the political purge against the CNRP is politically motivated and unjustified. Hun Sen should start letting the opposition leaders reenter politics before sympathy towards them grows further — not just among their supporters but also from within the ruling CPP and among the military top brass. A return to democracy will benefit his country politically, socially and economically.
សម្រាប់អ្នកខាងក្រៅក៏ដូចជាប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរការកំចាត់ចេញគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិគឺជារឿងនយោបាយហើយមិនអាចមានលេសណាផ្សេងឡើយ។ ហ៊ុនសែនត្រូវផ្តើមអនុញ្ញាតអោយថ្នាក់ដឹកនាំបក្សជំទាស់ចូលឆាកនយោបាយមុនក្តីអាណិតអាសូរមានការកើនឡើងដោយមិនមែនតែក្នុងចំណោមអ្នកគាំទ្រប៉ុណ្ណោះទេតែថែមទាំងមនុស្សក្នុងជួរបក្សប្រជាជននិងកងកំឡាំងប្រដាប់អាវុធ។ ការត្រឡប់ចូលប្រទេសវិញនឹងទទួលផលចំណេញទាំងនយោបាយ សេដ្ឋកិច្ច និងសង្គម។
PUBLISHED : 26 OCT 2019 AT 07:12
NEWSPAPER SECTION: OPED
As a result of his brutal political purge against the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) and its senior members over the past few years, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen has got what he wanted. His ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) won a “fake”, uncontested election last year and he has prolonged his stay in power. But he has left the future of his country and its people in disarray.
Since the court dissolved the CNRP and banned its 118 members from politics for five years in 2017, Cambodia has become a de facto one-party state, and democracy is practically dead there. The country is facing the prospect of trade sanctions by the West which could put its economy in jeopardy.
Now opposition leaders are calling for a fresh election and reinstatement to their political roles. Their return could help rebalance power in politics, a good thing for the country. Hun Sen should have compromised to let it happen as he has done in the past.
But asking for political pluralism in Cambodia nowadays has proven to be a request too far for the strongman. Since the CNRP’s acting president, Sam Rainsy, and other exiled opposition leaders pledged in August to re-enter the country by land on Nov 9, the country’s Independence Day, Hun Sen has had dozens of CNRP supporters and leaders arrested and threatened to deploy the armed forces against those who dare to return.
The Thai government, for its part, has signalled that it will not allow the opposition leaders to execute their plan to lead Cambodian migrant workers in Thailand on a march back into their homeland as part of a “people’s movement” against Hun Sen. Last Sunday, Mu Sochua, the CNRP deputy leader, was denied entry to Thailand at Suvarnabhumi airport and has returned to the US where she is also a citizen.
While some doubt whether Sam Rainsy’s plan could succeed, it does not supersede the fact that Cambodia and its people would be better off if the opposition party were reinstated and its members allowed to participate in politics again.
For Hun Sen, he cannot overlook the fact that his political crackdown and the flawed election could cost his country trade benefits from the EU and the US. The EU is considering whether to scrap trade preferences — duty-free access for all exports to the EU, except arms — which are vital to Cambodia’s economy, while the US has already begun introducing diplomatic sanctions and reviewing its preferential trade scheme with the country.
Hun Sen may have banked on investment from China over the past few years, but there has been growing unease among many Cambodians regarding Chinese influence, especially given that the benefits of these deals have not been widely shared with local people.
Read More …
Some may hail Cambodia’s “political stability” as a boon that has helped spur economic growth, but such stability was the result of Hun Sen’s ruthless crackdown on his rivals. Deep down, there must have been resentment among many Cambodians.