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សត្វកំណាចទំនើបនៅកម្ពុជា ភាគ១
Modern Leviathan of Cambodia, Part I
Thomas Hobbs បង្កើតទ្រឹស្តីរដ្ឋធម្មជាតិ(State of Nature) តាមគំនិតអវិជ្ជមាន(Pessimistic)របស់គាត់គឺមនុស្សជាសត្វសង្គមដ៏សាហាវ ដូច្នេះត្រូវតែមានរដ្ឋបុរាណ(Ancient States)ឬរដ្ឋទំនើប(Modern States)ជាអាវក្រោះដើម្បីការពារ។ ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋមានសិទ្ធិស៊ីវិល(Civil Rights/Civil Liberty)ក្នុងការតវ៉ាជាមួយអាជ្ញាធររដ្ឋ(Authoritative Sovereign) តែត្រូវតែហ៊ានលៈបង់អធិបតេយ្យភាពខ្លួនឯង(self sovereign)ដើម្បីសុវត្ថិភាពខ្លួនផ្ទាល់។ ចំណុចនេះត្រូវគ្នានឹងលោកហ៊ុន សែន ដែលបានតាំងខ្លួនឯងជាវីរៈបុរសខាងការពារសុខសន្តិភាពប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ រហូតដល់និយាយថាសិទ្ធិរស់រានមានជីវិតគឺជាអាទិភាពរបស់លោកក្នុងន័យថាឈឺ របួស ដាក់គុក បិទការសែត បិទសិទ្ធិបញ្ចេញមតិ បិទសេរីភាពជួបជុំ សំលាប់ពីរបីនាក់ដើម្បីមនុស្សរាប់រយ រហូតដល់ជាន់ឈ្លីសំលេងប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរជិតកន្លៈនគរ ជាដើម គឺលោកអាចធ្វើបានទាំងអស់?
តាមពិតថមម៉ាសហប់ចង់ប្រាប់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋថាខ្លួនមានសិទ្ធិនិងសេរីភាព តែដោយសម័យនោះព្រះរាជាឬអំណាចផ្តាច់ការខ្លាំងខ្លាពេក និងការរៀបចំប្រព័ន្ធរដ្ឋការពារអំណាចស្មុគស្មាញនិងប្រកបដោយគ្រោះថ្នាក់។ គំនិតហប់ក្នុងការត្រូវហ៊ានលៈបង់ដែនអធិបតេយ្យផ្ទាល់ខ្លួនដើម្បីបានសន្តិសុខត្រូវបានវាយបកដោយអ្នកប្រាជ្ញជំនាន់ក្រោយ បណ្តាលអោយរបបរាជានិយមផ្តាច់ការនិងអធិរាជនិយមដួលរលំនៅសព្វថ្ងៃ ទោះបីត្រូវប្តូរទៅជារបបសាធារណៈរដ្ឋផ្តាច់ការនិងកុម្មុយនីសផ្តាច់ការក៏ដោយ ក៏របបប្រជាធិបតេយ្យនិងការបង្កើតនីតិរដ្ឋពិតប្រាកដបានកំពុងឈានទៅមុខ។
ខុសអ្វីតែប្រទេសកម្ពុជា ក្រោយការលើកបន្តុបដោយវៀតណាម របបគណបក្សប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាបានក្រសោបជាប់កំនិតថមម៉ាស់ហប់និងវាយតំលៃខ្លួនឯងខ្ពស់ក្នុងការការពារសន្តិភាពនិងសន្តិសុខប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ ដោយរមែងមើលឃើញថាប្រជាពលរដ្ឋគឺជាកម្មវត្ថុដែលត្រូវតែស្តាប់បង្គាប់បញ្ជានិងធ្វើតាមរដ្ឋអំណាច។ តាមហប់ ទាំងអ្នកកាន់កាប់អំណាចទាំងប្រជាពលរដ្ឋគឺសុទ្ធសឹងតែមានដែនអធិបតេយ្យខ្លួនឯង ដែលប្រជាការនេះសតិសម្បជញ្ញៈនិងស្មារតីតែងតែត្រឡប់ទៅរករដ្ឋធម្មជាតិ(state of nature)ដែលនុស្សគឺជាសត្វដែលកាប់សំលាប់គ្នាកើតកល្យុគនិងសង្គ្រាមស៊ីវិលឥតឈប់ឈរ ដូច្នេះមានតែមករកនីតិរដ្ឋពិតប្រាកដទើបបាន។
តែនីតិរដ្ឋកម្ពុជាបច្ចុប្បន្នគឺជាវប្បធម៌ទន្ទេញចាំមាត់គ្មានការបដិបត្តិសោះឡើយ។ កម្ពុជាសព្វថ្ងៃមិនទាំងជាប្រជាធិបតេយ្យមិនទាំងជាសាធារណៈរដ្ឋផ្តាច់ការឬកុម្មុយនីសផ្តាច់ការ(Present Cambodia is neither democracy nor republic/monarchy tyrant)! អាចជារដ្ឋអាណាធិបតេយ្យ(anarchical state)ឬរដ្ឋអត់ហេតុផលច្រើនជាង(irrational state)ច្រើនជាង។
ចាប់តាំងពីកកើតជាគណៈបក្សកាន់អំណាចតាក់តែងឡើងដោយប្រទេសវៀតណាមនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៧៩មក យើងឃើញមនុស្សក្នុងបក្សនេះឬអធិបតេយ្យម្នាក់ៗភាគច្រើនដាច់ខាតគឺជាមនុស្សមិនយល់ទេរដ្ឋទំនើប(modern state) នីតិរដ្ឋ(rule of law) ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ(democracy) និងសិទ្ធិមនុស្ស(human rights)។ និរន្តរភាពនៃបក្សនេះច្បាស់ណាស់ មានអ្នកមានផលប្រយោជន៍ជួយយឹតយោងសន្តោងពីក្រោយខ្នង។ យើងពិនិត្យមើលជាក់ស្តែងនៃសមាជិកអចិន្ត្រៃយ៍(top politburo) គ្រាន់តែប្រព័ន្ធតុលាការមួយគឺមានការទទឹងទិស(messy)និងខ្វះហេតុផល(irrational)រួចបាត់ទៅហើយ៖ ប្រធានតុលាការកំពូលត្រូវលាលែងពីតំណែងបក្ស តែគ្មានទេ មេនគរបាលជាតិនិងមេប៉េអិមជាតិ ជាអ្នកអនុវត្តច្បាប់ត្រូវលាលែងពីតំណែងបក្ស តែគ្មានទេ…ដូច្នេះអោយគេប្រាសចាកអគតិ៤តាមច្បាប់យុត្តិធម៍និងបំរើប្រជាពលរដ្ឋដោយឆន្ទៈពិតប្រាកដមិនមាននិន្នាការលំអៀង បានយ៉ាងណា?ងាកមកកងកំលាំងប្រដាប់អាវុធយោធាវិញ លោកហ៊ុនសែនបង្កើតកងអង្គរក្សដ៏សម្បើមមហិមាសម្រាប់ខ្លួនផ្ទាល់តែបែរដាក់ជាកងទ័ពជាតិប្រើថវិការជាតិ។ កូនប្រុសលោក ទោះចប់បណ្ឌិតដ៏មានកិត្តិយសពីបរទេសយ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយ ក៏លោកអាចបិទភ្នែកបិទត្រចៀកបន្លំខ្លួនជាបណ្ឌិតរំលោភប្រព័ន្ធច្បាប់ដោយមិនលាលែងពីតំណែងបក្សឡើយនៅពេលកាន់ការជាអគ្គមេបញ្ជាការកងទ័ពជាតិ។
ថមម៉ាសហប់គ្រាន់តែបញ្ជាក់ថា៖រដ្ឋផ្តាច់ការគឺពិតជាកន្សោមអំនាចនៃប្រព័ន្ធគ្រប់គ្រងប្រទេស(national systemic based-power)តែកម្ពុជា ក្រោមអំណាចលោកហ៊ុនសែនគឺពិតជាកន្សោមប្រព័ន្ធអំណាចការពារផលប្រយោជន៍ក្រុមគ្រួសារត្រកូលខ្លួនទៅវិញ(family systemic based-power)។
Chabot, Lowenthal Cambodia Democracy Act Passes Committee
Chabot Lowenthal គណៈកម្មាធិការអនុម័តច្បាប់លទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យកម្ពុជា វ៉ាស៊ីនតោនឌីស៊ី៖ នៅថ្ងៃនេះគណៈកម្មាធិការកិច្ចការបរទេសនៃសភាបានអនុម័តជាឯកច្ឆន្ទនូវច្បាប់លទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យនៅកម្ពុជា ច្បាប់ស្នើដោយបក្សទាំងពីរដឹកនាំដោយអ្នកតំណាង Steve Chabot (R-OH) និង Alan Lowenthal (D-CA) ដែលជាសហប្រធានកិច្ចប្រជុំសភាជាន់ខ្ពស់សម្រាប់កម្ពុជា ដើម្បីដាក់ទណ្ឌកម្មលើមន្រ្តីកម្ពុជាដែលទទួលខុសត្រូវចំពោះការបំផ្លាញលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យនៅក្នុងប្រទេសនេះ។ លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីហ៊ុនសែននិងបក្ខពួករបស់គាត់ត្រូវប្រឈមមុខនឹងផលវិបាកយ៉ាងធ្ងន់ធ្ងរពីសហរដ្ឋអាមេរិកក្នុងការឆ្លើយតបទៅនឹងការចាប់ខ្លួនលោកកឹមសុខានិងការរំលាយគណបក្សប្រឆាំងនៅឆ្នាំ ២០១៧ ដែលជាការបង្ក្រាបដែលបានបន្តរហូតមកដល់សព្វថ្ងៃនេះ។ លោកហ៊ុនសែនបានគ្រប់គ្រងប្រទេសដោយមិនប្រកាន់យកលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យចាប់តាំងពីឆ្នាំ ១៩៨៥ ។ ច្បាប់លទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យនៅកម្ពុជានឹងធ្វើឱ្យគាត់ទទួលខុសត្រូវនិងគាំទ្រសេចក្តីប្រាថ្នាប្រជាធិបតេយ្យស្របច្បាប់របស់ប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា” ។ “ សមាជិកសភា Lowenthal បាននិយាយថា៖ ពីការបិទឬគាបសង្កត់នូវសារព័ត៌មានសេរី ការបង្រ្កាបគូប្រជែងនយោបាយរហូតដល់ការបោះឆ្នោតក្លែងក្លាយដែលប្រកាសថាគាត់ជាជម្រើសរបស់ប្រជាជនរបបរបស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីហ៊ុនសែន បានធ្វើអ្វីគ្រប់យ៉ាងដើម្បីបំផ្លាញក្តីសង្ឃឹមនៃលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យនៅកម្ពុជា”។ លោកបន្តថា“ របបផ្តាច់ការកាន់កាប់បន្តរបស់លោកហ៊ុនសែនប្រឆាំងនឹងការសន្យាដែលបានធ្វើចំពោះមុខប្រជាជនកម្ពុជាក្នុងកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសន្តិភាពទីក្រុងប៉ារីសឆ្នាំ ១៩៩១ ។ ទណ្ឌកម្មនៃច្បាប់លទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យនៅកម្ពុជាគឺជាតម្លៃដែលលោកហ៊ុនសែននិងរបបរបស់លោកត្រូវសងចំពោះការរំលោភបំពានឥតឈប់ឈររបស់ពួកគេចំពោះសេរីភាពរបស់ប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា»។
WASHINGTON, D.C. – Today, the House Foreign Affairs Committee unanimously passed the Cambodia Democracy Act, bipartisan legislation introduced by Representatives Steve Chabot (R-OH) and Alan Lowenthal (D-CA), Co-Chairs of the Congressional Caucus on Cambodia, to impose sanctions on Cambodian officials responsible for uprooting democracy in the country.
“Prime Minister Hun Sen and his cronies must face significant consequences from the United States in response to their arrest of Kem Sokha and the dissolution of the opposition party in 2017 – a crackdown that has continued until today,” Chabot said. “Hun Sen has undemocratically dominated the country since 1985. We must stand with the Cambodian people as he continues to stifle their rights and preclude a free and fair election. The Cambodia Democracy Act will hold him accountable and support Cambodians’ legitimate democratic aspirations.”
“From shuttering or co-opting the free press, to banishing political opponents, to holding a sham election declaring him the people’s choice, the regime of Prime Minister Hun Sen has done everything in its power to destroy any hope of democracy in Cambodia,” Congressman Lowenthal said. “Hun Sen’s continued authoritarianism runs counter to the promises made to the Cambodia people in the 1991 Paris Peace Accords. The Cambodia Democracy Act’s sanctions are the price Hun Sen and his regime must pay for their relentless assault on the freedom of the Cambodian people.”
Background:
- Prime Minister Hun Sen arrested the opposition leader, Kem Sokha, President of the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) and dissolved the CNRP in the lead up to the 2018 Cambodian elections.
- The Cambodia Democracy Act directs the President to impose sanctions on Cambodian officials who are responsible for acts that undermine democracy in Cambodia.
- The President may suspend the sanctions if Cambodia makes significant progress towards ending government efforts to undermine democracy and commit human rights violations.
- House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Gregory Meeks (D-NY) offered an amendment during markup to include updated findings which demonstrate that Hun Sen’s crackdown continues until today.
- This legislation passed the House of Representatives in the 115th and 116th Congress.
A copy of the legislation can be found here.
Chairman Meeks’ Amendment can be found here.
When ignorance screams, intelligence is silent
DON’T ARGUE WITH DONKEYS (Fable)
The donkey said to the tiger:
– “The grass is blue”.
The tiger replied:
– “No, the grass is green.”
The discussion heated up, and the two decided to submit him to arbitration, and for this they went before the lion, the King of the Jungle.
Already before reaching the forest clearing, where the lion was sitting on his throne, the donkey began to shout:
– “His Highness, is it true that the grass is blue?”.
The lion replied:
– “True, the grass is blue.”
The donkey hurried and continued:
– “The tiger disagrees with me and contradicts and annoys me, please punish him.”
The king then declared:
– “The tiger will be punished with 5 years of silence.”
The donkey jumped cheerfully and went on his way, content and repeating:
– “The Grass Is Blue”…
The tiger accepted his punishment, but before he asked the lion:
– “Your Majesty, why have you punished me?, after all, the grass is green.”
The lion replied:
– “In fact, the grass is green.”
The tiger asked:
– “So why are you punishing me?”.
The lion replied:
– “That has nothing to do with the question of whether the grass is blue or green. The punishment is because it is not possible for a brave and intelligent creature like you to waste time arguing with a donkey, and on top of that come and bother me with that question.”
The worst waste of time is arguing with the fool and fanatic who does not care about truth or reality, but only the victory of his beliefs and illusions. Never waste time on arguments that don’t make sense… There are people who, no matter how much evidence and evidence we present to them, are not in the capacity to understand, and others are blinded by ego, hatred and resentment, and all they want is to be right even if they are not.
When ignorance screams, intelligence is silent. Your peace and quiet are worth more.
Fighting Against Dictatorship
Op-Ed & Original Reference: INSEAD
Manfred F. R. Kets de Vries, INSEAD Distinguished Clinical Professor of Leadership Development & Organisational Change | January 18, 2018
Dictatorial types gain and maintain power through a number of social processes and psychological dynamics.
From our Palaeolithic roots onwards, dictators – whether they led tribes, fiefdoms, countries, religions or organisations – have always been with us. We have always been attracted to individuals who appear strong. Some people are easily persuaded to give up their freedoms for an imaginary sense of stability and protection, not to mention an illusion of restored greatness.
Generally speaking, times of social unrest have always been the feeding ground for dictators. Periods of economic depression, political or social chaos give dictators the opportunity to appear as saviour and, when conditions allow it, seize power by coup d’état or other means. Their populist demagoguery can seduce broad swathes of the population. However, most of their inflated promises turn out to be no more than hot air. So how is it that they’re able to gain and maintain power? They succeed by taking full advantage of known social processes and dynamics.
Riding the confirmation bias: First, they are extremely talented at inflaming the “wish to believe”. Their cries of patriotism and righteousness are just what the populace wants to hear. The unquestioning acceptance of a dictator’s rhetoric is rooted in humankind’s most pervasive bias – the confirmation bias. This compels us to look for evidence to support our ideas and desires, while discounting contradictory information. Such a bias simplifies the complexity of our world, but can also be seen as a form of “neurological laziness”. As expert manipulators, dictators take advantage of this universal cognitive shortcut.
Identification with the aggressor: Dictators are also especially good at targeting socially and economically vulnerable people – those who are not always very well educated or informed and, as such, often feel confused and insecure. Dictators exploit the rage and frustration of this population through the psychological process of “identification with the aggressor”. Many of the disempowered see in the “strong” man or woman both a reflection of themselves and the promise of a victory over their downtrodden state. They are caught in the allure of illusions and magical thinking. They become brainwashed.
The blame game: Whatever the societal wrong, dictators are adept at inciting blame and scapegoating. They play off the primitive defence mechanism of “splitting”, positioning issues in terms of in- and out-groups, magnifying external threats and fanning a collective paranoia. At the same time, dictators offer themselves as steadfast saviours. Buying into the simplistic, binary propositions, their followers align themselves with the “good fight” against evil and become intolerant of those they perceive as different.
Propaganda lords: Dictators quickly learn the value of indoctrination. To maintain their hold on power, they seek to control information, ideally by centralising all mainstream media. Positive news is attributed to them and negative news is ascribed to enemies of the state. With the help of the propaganda machine, dictators become an integral part of everyone’s life. During elections, they manipulate the final outcome by curtailing press freedom, limiting the opposition’s ability to campaign and spreading misinformation – “fake news”. Dictators also try to prevent or destroy social frameworks and institutions serving as countervailing forces.
Who’s responsible for dictators?
There will always be people whose personality makeup predisposes them to dictatorship. Many past and contemporary dictators suffer from extraordinarily high levels of narcissism, psychopathy and paranoia. They have an inflated sense of self-importance and feel entitled to the admiration of others. An inherent lack of empathy, guilt or remorse allows the most malignant to commit unspeakable atrocities.
But while it is easy to vilify dictators, we should also realise that, in many ways, we (the people) are the ones enabling them. After all, a dictator cannot function without followers. Although we may not admit it out loud, it’s attractive to have others tell us what’s right and what’s wrong. But abdicating personal responsibility cripples freedom of expression and derails democratic processes. The good news is, however, that although we enable dictators, we can also disable them.
Creating a responsible electorate
In many established democracies, the descent towards dictatorship is becoming a real threat. In this light, we need to consider two urgent questions: Can dictators in the making be “cured”? And can we prevent dictators from assuming power?
I’m afraid that the response to the first question is: “not likely”. Historical experience has proven otherwise. From a clinical perspective, most psychotherapists believe that dictators (with their psychopathic traits) tend to be untreatable. Thus, many opposing powers are needed to address the second question on how to prevent their ascension.
Prevention is better than cure, so we need to recognise potential dictators before they stealthily compromise and destroy our lives. Once they are in power, it is often too late.
A healthy democracy finds footing in a populace able to listen to different points of view and manage ambiguities. It also implies a voting population that’s knowledgeable, mobilised and engaged – not the kind to believe that voting is somebody else’s business. To prevent dictators from coming to the fore requires a population that cares for liberty and takes responsibility for it. Furthermore, the government, the head of State, the legislature, the courts, the press and the electorate should all be independent to provide countervailing oversight.
Striving for a better world
In the 1940 film The Great Dictator, Charlie Chaplin satirises Nazism and Adolf Hitler while playing the role of a Jewish barber who, in a case of mistaken identity, is forced to impersonate the absolute ruler of fictional Tomainia. At the end of the film, Chaplin delivers an impassionate speech asking the populace to unite and fight against dictatorship:
“You, the people, have the power to make this life free and beautiful, to make this life a wonderful adventure… In the name of democracy let us use that power; let us all unite…
Dictators free themselves but they enslave the people… Let us fight to free the world, to do away with national barriers, to do away with greed, with hate and intolerance.”
Unfortunately, we are still far from the kind of world that Chaplin described. Many of our present world leaders are making a great effort to endanger the democratic processes. Narrow-minded nationalism, xenophobia, greed and unimaginable violence is present everywhere. It makes it even timelier to strive for the kind of world envisioned by Chaplin.
Manfred Kets de Vries is the Distinguished Clinical Professor of Leadership Development & Organisational Change at INSEAD and the Raoul de Vitry d’Avaucourt Chaired Professor of Leadership Development, Emeritus. He is the Founder of INSEAD’s Global Leadership Centre and the Programme Director of The Challenge of Leadership, one of INSEAD’s top Executive Development Programmes.
Professor Kets de Vries is also the Scientific Director of the Executive Master in Coaching and Consulting for Change (EMCCC). His most recent books are: You Will Meet a Tall, Dark Stranger: Executive Coaching Challenges; Telling Fairy Tales in the Boardroom: How to Make Sure Your Organisation Lives Happily Ever After; and Riding the Leadership Rollercoaster: An Observer’s Guide.