វីដេអូ អូបាម៉ា ចំអក​ឲ្យ ហ៊ុន សែន ដែល​តាំង​ខ្លួន​ជា​គ្រូ?

Posted by: | Posted on: August 29, 2015

វីដេអូ អូបាម៉ា ចំអក​ឲ្យ ហ៊ុន សែន ដែល​តាំង​ខ្លួន​ជា​គ្រូ?

Op-Ed: Monorom Online News
ប្រធានាធិបតេយ្យអាមេរិក បានថ្លែងចំអកដាក់មេដឹកនាំ ដែលកាន់អំណាចយូរ នៅក្នុងលោកថា បើទោះ​ជា​លោក​នៅ​ក្មេង មាន​លុយ មានអំណាច មានសិទ្ធិ ក្នុងការបន្តអំណាច តែលោកនឹងមិនក្រាញ នឹង​អំណាច​ឡើយ។ សារ​នេះ​ត្រូវ​បាន​ក្រុម​អ្នក​ប្រើប្រាស់បណ្ដាញសង្គម យកមកបង្ហោះ បន្ទាប់ពីលោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តី​កម្ពុជា បាន​តាំង​ខ្លួន​ជា​គ្រូ​បង្រៀន ប្រធានាធិបតីអាមេរិក ពីបញ្ហានៃ«ការផ្លាស់ប្ដូរ» កាលពីពេលថ្មីៗនេះ។
កាលពីថ្ងៃទី១៩ ខែធ្នូ ឆ្នាំ២០១២ លោក បារ៉ាក់ អូបាម៉ា បានចាប់ដៃលោក ហ៊ុន សែន នៅភ្នំពេញ តែមិនញញឹមជាមួយទេ។ (រូបថត AP)
Hun Sen and Obama differences
នៅក្នុងវីដេអូមួយ ដែលថតពីការថ្លែង របស់ប្រធានាធិបតីអាមេរិច លោក បារ៉ាក់ អូបាម៉ា បាននិយាយក្នុង​លក្ខខណ្ឌទូទៅ តែមានន័យចង់បញ្ឆិតបញ្ឆៀង ឲ្យបុរសខ្លាំងកម្ពុជា ដែលកាន់អំណាច តាំងពីជាង៣​ទសវត្ស​មក​ហើយ។ នៅក្នុងវីដេអូនោះ លោក អូបាម៉ា បាននិយាយថា តើហេតុអីបានជាមេដឹកនាំខ្លះ ស្រឡាញ់អំណាច ហើយ​បន្តរយៈពេល ដឹកនាំប្រទេសរបស់ខ្លួន ដើម្បីឲ្យពួកគេ បានបន្តស្ថិតក្នុងតំណែង បានយូរតទៅមុខទៀត? សំរាប់ខ្លួនលោកប្រធានាធិបតីផ្ទាល់វិញ ទោះបីជាលោកនៅក្មេង លោកមានប្រាក់ច្រើន ហើយអាចបន្តធ្វើ​ការងារ ជាប្រធាធិបតីនេះ នឹងអាចឈ្នះការបោះឆ្នោតទៀត និងទោះជាលោក មានសិទ្ធិឈរឈ្មោះបន្តនោះ ក៏​ដោយ​ចុះ តែលោក បារ៉ាក់ អូបាម៉ា បានថ្លែងឡើងថា លោកនឹងមិនធ្វើដូច្នោះឡើយ ព្រោះអ្នកផ្សេងគេអាច​មាន​គំនិត​ថ្មី ចំណេះដឹងថ្មី ថាមពលថ្មី ដែលនាំឲ្យប្រទេសជាតិ មានភាពរីកចំរើនថែមទៀតបាន។ការលើកឡើងរបស់លោក អូបាម៉ា នេះ មិនមែនទើបនឹងត្រូវបានធ្វើ ក្នុងពេលថ្មីៗនេះឡើយ តែវីដេអូនៃការថ្លែង​របស់លោក ត្រូវបានក្រុមអ្នកប្រើប្រាស់បណ្ដាញសង្គម ដែលមិនចូល​ចិត្ត​លោក​នាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន យកមកបង្ហោះ ចែករំលែក ដើម្បីជាការឆ្លើយតប នឹងការថ្លែងកាលពីថ្ងៃទី ២២ ខែ​សីហា ឆ្នាំ២០១៥ របស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន ដែលបានតាំងខ្លួនលោក ថាជា«គ្រូបង្រៀន»ប្រធានាធិបតីអាមេរិក សម្រាប់បញ្ហានៃការផ្លាស់ប្ដូរ។

មានប្រសាសន៍នៅមជ្ឈមណ្ឌលពិព័រណ៍ និងសន្និបាតកោះពេជ្រ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីកម្ពុជាបាន​អះអាងថា៖ «ថ្ងៃមុនខ្ញុំជួប ជាមួយឯកអគ្គរដ្ឋទូតអាមេរិក មុនពេលដែលចាក​ចេញពី​កម្ពុជា។ នៅពេលដែល​គាត់ និយាយជាមួយខ្ញុំ គាត់និយាយយ៉ាងច្រើន អំពីអ្វីដែលហៅថាការ “ផ្លាស់ប្ដូរ”។ ខ្ញុំក៏​បាននិយាយទៅកាន់គាត់​វិញ​ថា តើអ្នកភ្លេចទេ ឬអ្នកកំពុងនិយាយ ជាមួយអ្នកណា? ឯកឧត្តមកំពុងនិយាយ ជាមួយអ្នកណា? ឯកឧត្តម​ពិត​ជា កំពុងនិយាយជាមួយ “សាស្ត្រាចារ្យម្នាក់” ដែលអាចបង្រៀនឯកឧត្តម ឬ​ប្រធានាធិបតី ប្រទេសឯកឧត្តម ឬ​នាយក​រដ្ឋមន្ត្រីប្រទេសផ្សេង លើបញ្ហាការផ្លាស់ប្ដូរ។»

នៅក្នុងវីដេអូនោះ លោក អូបាម៉ា បានថ្លែងទៀតថា អ្នកខ្លះថាមានតែ“គេ”ទេ ដែលអាចដឹកនាំ និងរក្សា​ស្ថេរភាព​ប្រទេស នោះបាន។ លោកបានបង្ហាញ ការយល់ឃើញរបស់ខ្លួន យ៉ាងដូច្នេះថា តែសំរាប់លោកវិញ លោកមិន​យល់ដូច្នេះឡើយ។ លោកនឹងជំរុញ ឲ្យមេដឹកនាំទាំងឡាយ ចេះគោរពច្បាប់ និងផ្តល់ឱកាស ដល់អ្នកថ្មី បាន​កាន់កាប់កិច្ចការដឹកនាំប្រទេសផងដែរ។ លោកបានថ្លេងទៀតថា៖ «ខ្ញុំពិតជាមានឱកាស និងវិធីសាស្ត្រច្រើន ដែលខ្ញុំអាចឈ្នះ តែខ្ញុំមិនធ្វើ។ ខ្ញុំគោរពច្បាប់។ (I actually Think about the opportunity any way I can win but I can’t. I respect to the law)»។

» សូមទស្សនាជាវីដេអូ របស់លោក អូបាម៉ា ដូចខាងក្រោម

Read More …


Critics on Cambodia High School Exam 2015

Posted by: | Posted on: August 27, 2015

This year is signified by its second attempt of education’s dictatorial regime of Cambodia to strictly monitor the exam’s session for high school students nationwide (watch video clip by RFA).

There are more than 87,000 candidates have lined up in different 150 exam centers to enter into 3576 restricted exam rooms. The nation’s budget is spent not less than 4 millions dollar to attain the two days nationwide exam on August 25-26, 2015.

Cambodia has been well-known of rampant corruption accounting from officers’ offices to school compounds. Urging to topple the school’s bribery and corruption regime, the new measure of dictatorial monitoring during exam has been taken place. The monitoring methods are incorporated by Anti-Corruption United (ACU) to dispatch exam monitors to inspect and to spook all entering students. The exam agents are scavenging hiding sheets under their pants, or sleeves, or inside their shoes etc. Exam monitors also walked around the rooms, the tables, and espy from all directions during the exam. Policemen are also dispatched to monitor the students as well.

This is weird scene looking from outsiders when they are recalling their high school exam experiences. Regardless to mention Western countries, Cambodia’s neighboring Thailand, their exam environment didn’t translate students’ confidence into hostility at all. Beside of well reform in education through fiscal transparency and increasing budget allocation towards the demands of schools especially to increase teacher’s decent salary, the curriculum and learning environment, all are conducive and incentive to students to grab knowledge at their maximum without grabbing the feeling of hostility.

Scene view of Cambodia Students during Exam 2015 - photo courtesy of MoEYs facebooke page.

Scene view of Cambodia Students during Exam 2015 – photo courtesy of MoEYs facebooke page.

Cambodia High school exam 2015 2 Cambodia High school exam 2015 3 Cambodia High school exam 2015 4 Cambodia High school exam 2015 5 Cambodia High school exam 2015 6

The attendance, the effort, and the scores of yearly accumulation, all are  included into students’ portfolio. The exam has been happened for students to fulfill their learning representing about 30 to 40 percent only at the year end. Strangely, Cambodian students’ portfolio has not been included. Their whole year effort is badly excluded. They are counted only two days exam. If they passed, they are happy; but if they are failed, they are sad. Many of them have given up schools without fulfilling their dream to step up tertiary education.

This has been seen as dictatorial and extreme policy for Cambodian high school students to bring with them confidence after 12 years compulsory enrollment.

Competitiveness?

Cambodian students who are lining up to enter into the rooms of fame (exam rooms) with confusing feeling of working hard 365 days is likely meaningless for them because they have to fight for homestretch in just these two days.

Those students are competing in two days to pass the exam. It seems Cambodia is good in setting up a competitive stage by dispatching thousand monitor agents (arbitrators) to believe in fairness but not the ability of the players themselves. The high school students (players) have been poorly trained within the schools’compound to prepare the facing up with those alien arbitrators. The students are believed to force to walk on broken glass.

How about Cambodia’s competitiveness with outsiders? Hard to speak about it for sure!


Tribunal Suspects Say They Won’t Cooperate With Court

Posted by: | Posted on: August 27, 2015

Tribunal Suspects Say They Won’t Cooperate With Court

File photo of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, court officers of the U.N.-backed war crimes tribunal are seen through windows during a hearing of former Khmer Rouge top leaders in Phnom Penh, file photo.

File photo of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, court officers of the U.N.-backed war crimes tribunal are seen through windows during a hearing of former Khmer Rouge top leaders in Phnom Penh, file photo.

Op-Ed: VOA Khmer
Sok KhemaraVOA Khmer, 27 August 2015
Former Khmer Rouge leaders who are suspects in two cases before the UN-backed tribunal remain defiant, refusing to appear at the court as summoned.In interviews with VOA Khmer, three suspects, Meas Muth, Ta An and Im Chaem, denied the atrocity crimes charges made against them. A fourth, Yim Tith, declined to be interviewed.

All suspects were named by an international judge at the Khmer Rouge tribunal in cases 003 and 004, though they have never been arrested by Cambodian authorities nor formally indicted.

That means the court has only successfully tried one suspect since 2006, the former supervisor of Tuol Sleng prison, Kaing Kek Iev. Two more suspects, senior leaders Nuon Chea and Khieu Samphan, are currently in the second and final stage of their trial at the court.

The remaining suspects say they will not cooperate with the court, casting doubt on whether they will ever be tried.

Im Chaem, the former Khmer Rouge secretary of Preah Net Preah district, with VOA Khmer's reporter Sok Khemara in her home, in Oddar Meanchey, on August 11, 2015. (Photo: VOA Khmer)

Im Chaem, the former Khmer Rouge secretary of Preah Net Preah district, with VOA Khmer’s reporter Sok Khemara in her home, in Oddar Meanchey, on August 11, 2015. (Photo: VOA Khmer)

“I absolutely do not need to fight [the court],” told VOA Khmer recently at her home in Oddar Meanchey province. “I have built myself forward, through the ways of Buddhism.”

Im Chaem, the former Khmer Rouge secretary of Preah Net Preah district, Northwest Zone, is accused of “murder, extermination, enslavement, imprisonment, persecution on political grounds, and other inhumane acts” at a security center and worksite.

She denied any wrongdoing under the Khmer Rouge. “If I didn’t do things wrong, how can they arrest me?” she said. “It would be a human rights violation.”

When the international investigating judge, Mark Harmon, arrived at her house to issue his summons, she told him to leave and talk to her lawyer, she said. “I said only three words. He asked me to put the thumbprint. How can I put the thumbprint? I have nothing to put the thumbprint, and then I won’t go to the court.”

Recent photo of Meas Muth, a former Khmer Rouge naval military commander accused of grave atrocity crimes, at his home in Samlot district, Battambang province, August 12, 2015. (Photo: Sok Khemara/VOA Khmer)

Recent photo of Meas Muth, a former Khmer Rouge naval military commander accused of grave atrocity crimes, at his home in Samlot district, Battambang province, August 12, 2015. (Photo: Sok Khemara/VOA Khmer)

Read More …


Political Paradigm of Pragmatism from the Khmer Youth part 33

Posted by: | Posted on: August 26, 2015

This part (33), the author Mr. Sophan Seng described the current dilemma of trust and social capital in Cambodia. The survey research released by Asia Foundation found that Cambodian people have little trust on Cambodia government and governance institution. The deficit of trust is clearly caused by following criteria:

11889649_154038554933655_66259387329862781_n1. Decades of past civil war in Cambodia accounting from Lon Nol republic regime, to brutal extremism of Khmer Rouge, to foreign occupation between 1979-1990, and political turbulence in post-UN sponsored election 1993, all have caused dividing and confrontational movements in Cambodia.

  1. Interference towards the Court and Judicial System of Cambodia by PM Hun Sen is critically saddening. His speech publicized through television about accusing the political activists and senator, and his direct ordering to arrest them are seen undermining the due processes of the court. This political behavior has stifled the judicial system in Cambodia to trial cases fairly, independently, and professionally.
The 11 political protesters were jailed by the court.

The 11 political protesters were jailed by the court.

  1. As Cambodia is paced in a post-conflicted stage, the outraging and sensitivity in existing controversies are very common. Hence, political leaders and academia must think twice before making a move with all their grand policy to avoid stagnation. Hun Sen has experienced well in creating public stunts to draw attention and to distract his opponents, but every move have not guaranteed his national interests goal as things could boomerang and bounce back to him unconditionally. Many times of his move shall result in more controversies and dividing.
The two latest protesters are jailed including one in custody.

The two latest protesters are jailed including one in custody.

  1. Prime Minister Hun Sen has been handling border issues through sensitive discrepancies. And the aim to amend the constitution article 2 is seen very unfavorable as Cambodian proverb said ” you couldn’t cut head to fit hat, but you can cut hat to fit head’.

At the end, the author articulated that good leaders must bear full accountability and transparency to benefit the nation. The nation refers to the Cambodian people, the land, and their future. While leader(s) shall be aged, sicked and died, only the nation and the people are continuing to struggle for their survival. Buddha admired those who have seen this truth and carry out the truth to their utmost ability. Eventually body shall be vanished but remained only name and honor, Buddha assured.


‘Bored’ of Advice of the West, Hun Sen Praises His Own Leadership

Posted by: | Posted on: August 24, 2015

‘Bored’ of Advice of the West, Hun Sen Praises His Own Leadership

Hun Sen said his policies have moved Cambodia from a “planned economy” to a free-market one after decades of civil war, making it an attractive place for investors.

Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen gestures as he delivers a speech during his presiding over an inauguration ceremony for the official use of a friendship bridge between Cambodia and China at Takhmau, Kandal provincial town south of Phnom Penh, Cambodia, Monday, Aug. 3, 2015.

Cambodia’s Prime Minister Hun Sen gestures as he delivers a speech during his presiding over an inauguration ceremony for the official use of a friendship bridge between Cambodia and China at Takhmau, Kandal provincial town south of Phnom Penh, Cambodia, Monday, Aug. 3, 2015.

Hul ReaksmeyVOA Khmer
Prime Minister Hun Sen addressed a dinner of powerful businessmen Saturday night, claiming he could be a “professor” to Western leaders, who are beginning to bore him with their advice.

Hun Sen said his policies have moved Cambodia from a “planned economy” to a free-market one after decades of civil war, making it an attractive place for investors.

“I am really proud of the policies of the party, as well as my leadership, which has been responsible for the executive body for over 30 years,” Hun Sen told the attendant tycoons. “I understood clearly that you all would deposit your money abroad or would use your money to buy homes abroad, ignoring investments here.”

Instead, his policies have grown the wealthy class, increasing business activities, Hun Sen said. This has made him “bored” with advice from countries of the West, he said. That includes the outgoing US ambassador, William Todd.

U.S. Ambassador to Cambodia William E. Todd gives a speech during a repatriation ceremony to honor the recovery of possible remains believed to belong to missing U.S. military service members found in Kampong Cham province.

U.S. Ambassador to Cambodia William E. Todd gives a speech during a repatriation ceremony to honor the recovery of possible remains believed to belong to missing U.S. military service members found in Kampong Cham province.

“I met with the US ambassador before he left Cambodia,” Hun Sen said. “When he was talking with me, he talked a lot about change. I then said to him: ‘Don’t forget whom you are talking with. Your Excellency is truly talking with a professor who can teach you or the president of your country or other prime ministers on change.’”

“If I can’t discern change, or change the process, would I have been able to stay in power for more than 30 years?” Hun Sen said. “I’m bored with some of the advice provided by some countries to Cambodia.”

Read More …


Autopsy of a Cambodian Election How Hun Sen Rules

Posted by: | Posted on: August 19, 2015

Autopsy of a Cambodian Election
How Hun Sen Rules
By Stéphanie Giry
Op-Ed: Foreign Affairs

11889649_154038554933655_66259387329862781_n

Facebook

Khmer New Year is the closest thing Cambodia has to a High Holiday, and in April, Prime Minister Hun Sen celebrated it in style with his fiercest opponent. During a festival at the ancient temples of Angkor, he and Sam Rainsy ate together from a gigantic cake of sticky rice weighing more than four metric tons—a Guinness World Record. It was an uncanny scene, not least because the last time Sam Rainsy had made a major public appearance at Cambodia’s most glorious site, in September 2013, it was to call Hun Sen a cheat and a usurper.

On that day, Sam Rainsy and 55 members-elect of the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party were boycotting the inaugural session of the new National Assembly to protest alleged fraud in the recent general election, which the CNRP had officially lost by a small margin. With the ancestral temples bearing witness in the background, they called for an investigation, vowing “not to betray the will of the people.”

Cambodian politics appeared to be at an inflection point then, after years of civil war, military repression, totalitarianism, foreign occupation, an international trusteeship, and de facto one-party rule. By the government’s own tally of the votes, Hun Sen’s Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) had lost about one-quarter of its seats in the National Assembly. For months afterward, tens of thousands of Cambodians, led by the CNRP, took to the streets to pillory Hun Sen and ask him to resign. Yet today, the opposition cannot seem to get enough of rapprochement, touting a “culture of dialogue”—a phrase it repeats like a mantra—so far with little to show for it.

Has Hun Sen done it again? He has been Cambodia’s prime minister for 30 years, in spite of his unseemly political origins. A one-time Khmer Rouge commander who defected, he was put in power in 1979 by Vietnam, Cambodia’s historical enemy, after it toppled Pol Pot’s regime. Hun Sen has remained in place after the advent of electoral democracy in 1993, even though his party has never won a majority of the popular vote in a general election, except in 2008, maybe—but the results of that election, like those of all the others, are disputed. Over the years, Hun Sen has coaxed or cowed, corrupted or co-opted, defanged, sidelined, or otherwise neutralized a large cast of adversaries, far and near.

Hun Sen has perfected the art of electoral authoritarianism without alienating Western donors ostensibly dedicated to the rule of law, while offsetting their influence by welcoming more and more investment from China. At once crass and deft, salt of the earth and grandiloquent, he is a remarkable political animal. But his longevity also reflects a distinct political culture—inspired by stories and folktales about mighty, wily kings and hares outwitting greater creatures—that rewards and glorifies the ambitious and the sly, the ruthless and the adaptable.

An autopsy of the 2013 election and its fallout suggests that even Hun Sen’s opponents cannot entirely escape this conception of power. At the same time that Sam Rainsy and the CNRP pressed for multiparty democracy, liberalism, and human rights, they seemed to unwittingly adopt some of Hun Sen’s ways. The opposition claimed to represent the people’s will and the people’s interests, but it sometimes treated its supporters with a paternalist instrumentalism that evoked manipulation more than emancipation. The CNRP practiced a half-baked form of nonviolent resistance that, instead of shaming the government for abusing its monopoly on force, wound up bowing to it. The party’s appeals to nationalism and flirtations with anti-Vietnamese xenophobia were a gambit designed to contest Hun Sen’s legitimacy, but in addition to courting real danger, they may have indirectly confirmed certain features of Hun Sen’s self-mythology.

Perhaps it could hardly have been otherwise, given the CPP’s lock on state resources. And the CNRP may have nudged along some overdue reforms. But the opposition’s tactics also seem to have confirmed that democratic contestation in Cambodia remains, at bottom, a struggle for power, and that serves Hun Sen above all.

THE PRIME MINISTER WHO WOULD BE KING

The promise of multiparty democracy returned to Cambodia with elections in 1993, after the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops and a UN-brokered peace accord that ended a long-running civil war. Immediately, however, the notion was trampled. Although the CPP lost the election to Funcinpec, a royalist party, Hun Sen wrangled a position as second prime minister, and in 1997, he staged a coup.

Read More …