Email from Canada, Freedom and the challenges of teen pregnancy in Canada

Posted by: | Posted on: July 27, 2011

FREEDOM is the lifeblood of human enterprise.  Free-market countries have higher standards of living, social development and productivity levels.  Some, though, contend that freedom is a double-edged sword.

Greater independence from parents and guardians can lead to the creation of a more open, more progressive society in which young people are free to engage their talents and amass practical knowledge.

But some say too much freedom can lead to undisciplined and incompetent adolescents.

In Canada, adolescents enjoy a wide array of freedoms, sexual, romantic and otherwise.  But high teen pregnancy and divorce rates have some policymakers worried.

Still, statistics show that national teen pregnancy rates have been declining.  A study from 1996 to 2006 showed a drop of 37 per cent, compared with a 25 per cent decline in the neighbouring US.

This doesn’t necessarily mean  teenagers are less sexually active.  In fact, a study found about 50      per cent of teens aged 16 and 17 engage in sexual activity.

These findings confirm what has become only too visible in daily life: teens holding hands, hugging, kissing and generally revelling in young love, all in public.

The teen-pregnancy study includes statistics on births, abortions and miscarriages.  The Canadian government views all three outcomes as having a negative impact on society.
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The decision of ICJ and the invisibility of modern world

Posted by: | Posted on: July 18, 2011

I am glad to hear about this settlement. But I am disappointed about the order to withdraw Cambodian troops from the zone. Other provisions such as Cambodia can access to the zone without disturbed and allow the zone to be mediated by ASEAN. I am not good in legal procedure, but this order seems take into account of compromise rather than legally decision-making. At the note underneath, the ICJ has been established by the UNs since 1954. So the on-going task of this organ must not be worried. But what I am worrying is the change of legal set in accordance with the change of global and regional embodiments. For instance, in 1962, the influence of ASEAN or the proportional work must not be concerned by the ICJ to harvest with regional body like the ASEAN.

Furthermore, Thailand took a wrong path of its policy regarding conflict zone and border dispute by militarizing. Thailand should operate policy in the conflict zone as well as along the border line by materializing. Vietnam has successfully operated its co-operative policy with Cambodia in its modern update of economic innovation (I think they use the term do moi in Vietnamese). Vietnam has changed the conflict zone and border theme into the zone of development and co-operation (materialization). Vietnam has gained both the existing influence they capitalized during the 1979-1990 and the economic boom achieving during their do moi policy of economic liberalization and materialization.

Of course, if we look back to the post-sponsored democratization by UNs in Cambodia, Thailand successfully injected its media, telecommunication and other businesses in Cambodia. But after the burning of Thai embassy and the coup detat in 1997, Thailand has gradually lost its confidence in capitalizing economic cooperation with Cambodia.

In tern of this imbalanced approach between Thailand and Vietnam in Cambodia, the serious question will fall upon the policy makers and leaders of Cambodia. Remember, Cambodia has been in troubles as well as lost its pieces by pieces of border territory because of the imbalanced policies towards these two countries since the pre-French colonial to post-French colonial, and it is likely to this modern Cambodia.

Cambodian ancient saying keeps remind us that “the visible enemies are not dangerous to us, but the invisible ones are”. The decision of the ICJ might consider the path to strengthening cooperation between Thailand and Cambodia more important than to make these two countries a foe with one another. And the modern world is more invisible than visible. So Cambodia needs strong leadership of genuine democratization, policy planners, learned and experienced policy strategists, good governance and the rule of laws in order to confront with the invisibility and puzzling odds of current approaches of globalization and undeniable co-operations with every partner.

Sophan

ICJ order of 18 Jul 2011

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UN-Cambodia Court: Excessive secrecy, exclusion and fears of inappropriate interference

Posted by: | Posted on: June 10, 2011

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
Public Statement
Index: ASA 23/004/2011
Date: 8 June 2011

UN-Cambodia Court: Excessive secrecy, exclusion and fears of inappropriate interference
Amnesty International is gravely concerned that the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC) are moving towards dismissing the cases against additional suspects, amid an atmosphere of excessive and unnecessary secrecy, disciplinary measures jeopardising prosecutors’ independence and reports of political intervention.

As a result, there is an increased risk of undermining the ECCC’s core mission, which is to provide justice to victims of the Khmer Rouge and to the people of Cambodia as a whole, and to leave behind a legacy of respect for the rule of law.
Amnesty International calls upon the ECCC to adopt rules, policies and practices which ensure transparency, accessibility – in particular to victims, vigorous pursuit of investigations and prosecutions, and a firm rejection of any inappropriate or unwarranted interference with the judicial process.

On 29 April 2011 the Co-Investigating Judges announced the conclusion of their investigation into Case 003 apparently without having made use of any of the substantial investigative tools at their disposal.
They did not demonstrate that their decision followed a comprehensive and rigorous investigation, as required by the Court’s Internal Rules and by international standards.

They did not:
  • summon and question suspects, charged persons, victims or witnesses;
  • seize any exhibits;
  • conduct on-site visits;
  • seek expert opinions; or
  • seek information and assistance from any state, the UN or NGOs.
This unreasonable approach sits uncomfortably close to the expressed wishes of Cambodian political leaders not to see any further prosecutions, and to end ECCC trials once Cases 001 and 002 have been concluded.
Moreover, it did not satisfy even the minimum requirements under international law and standards on the investigation of serious human rights violations, of a prompt, thorough, independent and impartial investigation.
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Closing Order of Case 002 (continue…)

Posted by: | Posted on: May 31, 2011
CLOSING ORDER
of Co-Investigating Judges You Bunleng and Marcel Lemonde, 15 September 2010
B. MEANS OF COMMUNICATION  

  • 90.               Based on reports from lower-ranking officials to their superiors, directives from superiors to subordinates, and requests for assistance of information that were discovered, among other evidence,254 it appears that the main inter-personal or inter-office communication was by letter, telegram and messenger. Official communication also took place in meetings and at gatherings at each administrative level as well as at larger rallies in Phnom Penh.255 Invitations to such official meetings were generally distributed by messenger or telegram. Furthermore, the CPK disseminated a number of directives and political education material throughout the country. Such material was sent from the centre to lower administrative ranks.
Lower ranks would, in turn, disseminate the material among the population in the zones and sectors.256
Letters
  • 91.               Letters were sent from senior CPK leaders such as POL Pot, Nuon Chea, Khieu Samphan and Ieng Sary.257 Letters were reportedly delivered through messengers to zone and sector secretaries.258 One of the telegrams sent from the Central Zone (fomer North Zone) indicates that letters were sometimes carried in person by higher officials such as Zone Secretary Ke Pork himself.259
Messengers
  • 92.               Messengers were primarily used to deliver reports and telegrams from the radio telegraphic unit to ministries260 or for communicating information about arrests.261 Within the different zones, “Messengers carried correspondence by hand on bicycles and motorcycles. Messengers were very busy and spent only a short time in each location before returning to their home base. Messengers were not tied to one single link but worked all the different links serviced by their station”.262 One witness states that messengers from the Centre would use a speed boat to get to Kratie in Autonomous Sector 505.263
Telegram Communication
  • 93.               After the fall of Phnom Penh in 1975, the central telegram unit that had operated in the “liberated areas” was moved to Phnom Penh.264 About 40 children were recruited from the provinces and were taught the basic working techniques of telegram communication (coding, typing, etc.) as well as sometimes French and English.265 On 9 October 1975 the Standing Committee decided on the functioning of the telegram unit.266
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