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Posted by: | Posted on: November 11, 2018

How to fight back against a dictator, according to an exiled democracy activist

អ្នកស្រីម៉ូ សុខហួរមានប្រសាសន៍ “គាត់ឈ្នះទាំង១២៥កៅអីក្នុងរដ្ឋសភា” ហើយ “ឥឡូវនេះគឺជាការគ្រប់គ្រងឯកបក្សនៅក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជា តែអ្វីដែលលោកហ៊ុន-សែនគ្មានគឺអំណាចស្របច្បាប់-ហើយយើងមិនមានគោលបំណងផ្តល់អោយហ៊ុន-សែននូវអំណាចស្របច្បាប់នោះទេ”។

Op-Ed: Quart

How to fight back against a dictator, according to an exiled democracy activist

By Alice Truong in Taipei

When a country has a strongman for a ruler, an army at his disposal, and control of the media, how can the people fight back?

Mu Sochua closed her talk by singing a song from the campaign trail.

Mu Sochua closed her talk by singing a song from the campaign trail.

You go after the one thing he does not have: legitimacy.

That’s the strategy of the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), an opposition party banned for its threat to Asia’s longest-serving prime minister, Hun Sen, said Mu Sochua, one of its leaders in exile.

“We are not just opposition,” she said at the Oslo Freedom Forum yesterday (Nov. 10) in Taipei. “We are the hope of Cambodia.”

Ahead of Cambodia’s elections earlier this year—where the outcome was known well ahead—Hun Sen did what he could to pad his victory. He had the top court disband the CNRP, and jailed human-rights activists, journalists, and critics, including the opposition party’s leader Kem Sokha.

To delegitimize the rigged result, the CNRP started a “clean fingers” campaign urging voters to abstain from voting. Hun Sen’s Cambodian People’s Party responded by threatening voters whose fingers weren’t marked with indelible ink, used to signify a ballot was cast.

According to the National Election Commission, voter turnout for July’s general election was 80.5%, higher than the last general election in 2013, when turnout was 69.6%. The groups that monitored the elections were closely tied to Hun Sen, however, with one headed by one of his sons. Hun Sen is grooming his sons to take over in what will likely become, in essence, a hereditary dictatorship.

“He won all 125 seats in parliament,” Mu Sochua said. “It is now a one-party system in Cambodia, but what Mr. Hun Sen does not have—he does not have legitimacy, and we don’t intend to give Mr. Hun Sen legitimacy.”

Mu Sochua, once a member of Cambodia’s national assembly, had served as the minister of women’s and veterans’ affairs for Hun Sen’s government until she resigned in 2004. “I was proud to be a leader of the Cambodian women, but I was not proud to work for a government that was so corrupt,” she said.Because of Hun Sen’s stronghold on the armed forces and media, she said, it’s up to people outside the country to fight for reform. All over the world, overseas Cambodians are continuing the campaign to delegitimize Hun Sen.

“Whenever he goes outside Cambodia, he is met with protestors—Cambodians living abroad,” she noted.

Ahead of a trip to Australia in March, Hun Sen had warned Cambodian-Australians, who were planning to burn an effigy of him: “I will follow you all the way to your doorstep and beat you right there… I can use violence against you.”

But these threats aren’t deterring Mu Sochua, who believes international pressure is the most viable way to free Kem Sokha and bring change.

“We outside in exile or Cambodian workers in South Korea, Japan, people in France, everywhere—Mr. Hun Sen has a message from us: You are not the legitimate leader of Cambodia. We want real change,” she said.

Posted by: | Posted on: November 7, 2018

Hun Sen’s power paradox

Op-Ed: EastAsiaForum

Hun Sen’s power paradox

Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen is continuing to push the limits of personal power consolidation. While his strategies have been highly successful so far, they are likely to result in greater political insecurity in Cambodia.

Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Sen addresses the 73rd session of the United Nations General Assembly at UN headquarters in New York, the United States, 28 September 2018 (Photo: Reuters/Eduardo Munoz).

Cambodia’s Prime Minister Hun Sen addresses the 73rd session of the United Nations General Assembly at UN headquarters in New York, the United States, 28 September 2018 (Photo: Reuters/Eduardo Munoz).

Several concerning developments have emerged in 2018. Since the Supreme Court banned the main opposition party — the Cambodia National Rescue Party, or CNRP — in November 2017, Hun Sen has further consolidated his power by appointing family members to top government positions.

Some of these promotions were of his children. For instance, in late 2017 Hun Sen appointed his third son, Hun Manith, as General Director of the General Directorate of Intelligence, a new intelligence unit designed to train spies for combat against terrorists and any suspected threat from ‘revolutionary’ forces. Hun Sen also promoted his son-in-law, Dy Vichea — former head of the Ministry of Interior’s Central Security Department — to Deputy Chief of the National Police. Most importantly, Hun Sen elevated his eldest son Lieutenant General Hun Manet as a General (four star) following his promotion to Deputy Commander in Chief of the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces (RCAF).

These tactical moves are part of the Prime Minister’s long-term strategy to consolidate power, which has been in place since he removed his then co-prime minister, Norodom Ranariddh, from power in July 1997. Hun Sen has used coercive means to tighten political control over state institutions and co-opt loyal followers. Hun Sen now maintains tight control over the judiciary and electoral processes at both the local and national level and his party, the Cambodian People Party (CPP), dominates the bicameral legislature.

Why has Hun Sen carried out these tactical moves? For some commentators, they are simply a part of Cambodia’s entrenched political culture of authoritarianism, nepotism and patrimonialism. While there is some truth to this way of looking at Cambodian politics, it overlooks Cambodian leaders’ deep sense of insecurity, which drives them to weaken opposition forces by all means necessary. Hun Sen has been comparatively more successful than past Cambodian leaders in consolidating power, and is continuing to expand his domination of Cambodian politics after more than three decades.

Despite this success, Hun Sen still appears to feel insecure. His efforts to fill top government positions with family members are not simply about building a family business empire but rather about shutting down potential threats from within and without. This may explain why Hun Sen maintains a bodyguard unit of up to 6000 well-equipped and highly-paid troops.

Hun Sen’s sense of political vulnerability is also reflected in the words of Hun Manith, who reportedly said that the new General Directorate of Intelligence was designed to deal with ‘internal and external disturbance from a hostile and ill-intended group of people’ and that ‘the political and security situation and competition in the future will be more intense than in previous years’.

But Hun Sen is making the same mistake of the many Cambodian leaders before him: maximising political security by endlessly consolidating power. Hun Sen appears to believe that this strategy will continue to work for him. The problem with this strategy, though, may emerge from Cambodia’s external environment.

Hun Sen has taken advantage of the post-Cold War peace dividend and is also enjoying growing support from China. But he runs the risk of over-relying on Beijing’s support. The extent to which China is prepared to protect the CPP is difficult to determine, but what is clear is Chinese leaders’ long history of abandoning their allies when much was at stake. While Hun Sen may be aware of this possibility, his strategy to weaken domestic political challenges may increase his political insecurity.

Another problem with power consolidation through nepotism or patrimonialism is that it tends to invite resistance and opposition from both within the party and without. At some point, forces opposed to Hun Sen will grow stronger and nastier, especially if an economic downturn hits the country. And if Western democracies begin to impose sanctions on Cambodia, not only will ordinary Cambodians suffer, but the ruling elite will also face a legitimacy crisis. In this scenario, the CPP is likely to resort to even more repressive violence and may even end up self-imploding.

Current and future Cambodian leaders need to realise that security maximisation through unrestrained power consolidation is counterproductive and dangerous. Security does not necessarily result from others’ insecurity. But for this to happen would require CPP leaders to shift from a self-serving strategy to one that considers the security of others through effective dialogue and democratic power sharing.

Sorpong Peou is a Professor with the Department of Politics and Public Administration at Ryerson University, Toronto.

Posted by: | Posted on: November 4, 2018

VOA facebook live on 27th Anniversary of the Paris Peace Agreement on Cambodia

Op-Ed: The CEROC
#VOAKhLive ក្នុងថ្ងៃគម្រប់ខួប២៧ឆ្នាំនៃកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសន្តិភាពទីក្រុងប៉ារីស ពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរក្រៅប្រទេស ទទូចឱ្យមានការគោរពតាមស្មារតីនៃកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងនេះ ដែលធានាឱ្យមានការបោះឆ្នោតដោយសេរីនិងត្រឹមត្រូវតាមបែបប្រជាធិបតេយ្យសេរីពហុបក្សនៅកម្ពុជា។ លោក សាយ មុន្នី សម្ភាសន៍ លោកសេង សុភ័ណ ប្រធានគណៈកម្មាធិការ ដើម្បីសិទ្ធិបោះឆ្នោតរបស់ពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅក្រៅប្រទេស៖

Posted by: | Posted on: October 20, 2018

Public Statement on the Paris Peace Agreement of 27th Anniversary 23 October 2018

Op-Ed: The CEROC

COMMITTEE FOR ELECTION RIGHTS OF OVERSEAS

CAMBODIANS (THE CEROC)

Email: board@khmeroversea.infowww.khmeroversea.info

សេចក្តីថ្លែងការណ៍

គំរប់ខួប២៧ឆ្នាំនៃកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសន្តិភាពទីក្រុងប៉ារីស

សូមគោរពបងប្អូនជនរួមជាតិទាំងអស់ជាទីស្នេហា!

១. របត់ថយក្រោយនៃកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសន្តិភាពទីក្រុងប៉ារីសក្នុងរយៈពេល២៧ឆ្នាំ

Public Statement on the Paris Peace Agreement 23 October 2018 ក្នុងគម្រប់ខួបលើកទី២៧នៃកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសន្តិភាពទីក្រុងប៉ារីសឆ្នាំនេះ ប្រទេសកម្ពុជា បានធ្លាក់ត្រឡប់ទៅរកស្ថានភាពខ្មៅងងឹតមួយដែលអ្នកស្រាវជ្រាវបញ្ជាក់ថាជាស្ថានភាពមុនកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសន្តិភាពទីក្រុងប៉ារីស។ មានសូចនាករ(indicators)ជាច្រើនដែលបញ្ជាក់ថារបបក្រុង ភ្នំពេញបានរំលោភបំពានទៅលើកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសន្តិភាពទីក្រុងប៉ារីសក៏ដូចជារដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញខ្មែរ បច្ចុប្បន្នដែលជាសមិទ្ធផលសំរេច(byproduct)ពីកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងនោះ៖

  • មានការជាន់ពន្លិចស្ថាប័នជាតិ

  • មានការរំលាយចោលស្ថាប័នប្រជាធិបតេយ្យសេរីពហុបក្ស

  • មានការរំលោភពសិទ្ធិអ្នកបោះឆ្នោតឆ្ងន់ធ្ងរ

  • មានការបំបាត់ជំនឿទុកចិត្តលើស្ថាប័នរៀបចំការបោះឆ្នោតគឺគជប

  • មានការកំហិតសិទ្ធិសេរីភាពប្រជាពលរដ្ឋនិងសង្គមស៊ីវិល

  • មានការធ្វើអត្តឃាតខ្លួនឯងខាងផ្នែកសេដ្ឋកិច្ច

  • មានការបាត់បង់អព្យាក្រិតភាពផ្នែកនយោបាយកាទូតនិងការបរទេស

  • លេចធ្លោរនូវការគ្រប់គ្រងបែបឯកបក្ស ផ្តាច់ការ និងអប្បជនាធិបតេយ្យ(kleptocracy)

២. ទិដ្ឋភាពជាក់ស្តែង

Public Statement on the Paris Peace Agreement 23 October 2018-2លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីមានមហិច្ឆិតាជំរុញទឹកចិត្តខ្លួនឯងក្នុងការក្តោបក្តាប់អំណាចក្នុងដៃអោយខាងតែបាន ទំនងទោះបីក្នុងតំលៃណាក៏ដោយ។ ការអនុវត្តរំលោភបំពានលើច្បាប់ រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញហួសដែនកំណត់ មិនថាឡើយច្បាប់ដែលមានជាធរមានឬច្បាប់ដែលត្រូវបាន បង្ខំចិត្តធ្វើវិសោធនកម្មថ្មីៗ។ សហគមអន្តរជាតិ ទាមទារអោយមានការដោះលែងលោកកឹម-សុខា ប្រធានគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិក្នុងគោលការណ៍ច្បាប់ ពិតប្រាកដពីព្រោះគ្មានច្បាប់ណាអនុញ្ញាត អោយឃុំខ្លួនមនុស្សយូរហួសពេលកំណត់មុនការកាត់ក្តីនោះទេ។ ម្យ៉ាងទៀតរដ្ឋាភិបាល អសមត្ថភាព ក្នុងការការពារច្រើនយ៉ាងទាំងច្បាប់ការពារអភ័យឯកសិទ្ធិតំណាងរាស្ត្រ ទាំងច្បាប់ ការពារជនជាប់ចោទដែលមានសិទ្ធិការពារខ្លួននៅចំពោះមុខច្បាប់នៅពេលដែលតុលាការ កំពុងស៊ើបអង្កេតសំណុំរឿងក្តីនៅឡើយជាដើម។

ស្ថាប័នរដ្ឋសភាអសមត្ថភាពក្នុងការការពារតំណាងរាស្ត្រនិងភាពថ្លៃថ្នូរនៃស្ថាប័នរបស់ខ្លួនបាន។ ស្ថាប័នតុលាការត្រូវបានគំរាមដោយពាក្យបណ្តឹងពីស្ថាប័ននីតិប្រតិបត្តិអោយរំលាយ គណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិដោយមានប្រធានតុលាការកំពូលជាសមាជិកអចិន្ត្រៃយ៍របស់គណបក្ស កាន់អំណាច បានធ្វើការរំលាយគណបក្សនេះឆកល្វែងនិងខ្វះខាតសុភវិនិច្ឆ័យផ្លូវច្បាប់។ មនុស្សទាំង១១៨នាក់ដែលមិនមានកំហុសក៏ត្រូវបានហាមឃាត់សិទ្ធិធ្វើនយោបាយ៥ឆ្នាំដែលការណ៍នេះរំលោភបំពានមាត្រារដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញដែលផ្តល់សិទ្ធិសេរីភាពអោយប្រជាពលរដ្ឋគ្រប់មានសិទ្ធិ ពេញលេញចូលរួមនយោបាយនិងធ្វើនយោបាយ។តំណាងរាស្ត្រទាំង៥៥និងសមាជិកក្រុមប្រឹក្សាឃុំសង្កាត់ទាំង៥០០៧ដែលប្រជាពលរដ្ឋជាអ្នកបោះឆ្នោតអោយ ត្រូវបានដកចេញពីតំណែង ទាំងបំពាននិងគ្មានហេតុផល(irrationality)។

Public Statement on the Paris Peace Agreement 23 October 2018-3ការប្រព្រឹត្តល្មើសលើគោលការណ៍ច្បាប់រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញដែលជាគ្រឹះនៃស្ថាប័នជាតិនិងការជាន់ ឈ្លីទៅលើសំលេងប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្លួនឯងជិតពាក់កណ្តាលនគរនេះ ជាអំពើបំពានយ៉ាងគឃ្លើន ទោះបីសេចក្តីប្រឹងប្រែងជាច្រើនដែលធ្លាប់បានធ្វើកន្លងមក ពិបាកនឹងអាចប៉ៈប៉ូវបាន។

នៅពេលដែលស្ថាប័នទាំងបីដែលជាគ្រឹះរបស់ជាតិត្រូវបានជាន់ឈ្លឺ សារពត៌មានដែល ចាត់ទុកថាជាអំណាចទីបួនរបស់ជាតិក៏ត្រូវបានរុះរើនិងបំផ្លិចបំផ្លាញ។ ដើម្បីអនុវត្តគោល នយោបាយជាតិមួយបានប្រកបដោយទំនួលខុសត្រូវ មានក្រមសីលធម៌ មានតម្លាភាពនិងទទួល បានពត៌មានពិតក្នុងការអនុវត្តច្បាប់និងគោលនយោបាយ(policy)នានារបស់ក្រសួងនីមួយៗ យើងត្រូវការវិទ្យុនិងទូរទស្សន៍ជាតិដែលឯករាជ្យប្រកបដោយវិជ្ជាជីវៈខ្ពស់។ ប៉ុន្តែមិនមែនគ្រាន់ សារពត៌មានឯកជនទេដែលត្រូវបានរឹតបន្តឹងនិងបណ្តេញចេញ សារពត៌មានជាតិត្រូវបានយកមក ប្រើផ្តាច់មុខសម្រាប់ផ្សព្វផ្សាយនយោបាយបក្សទៅវិញ។

នៅចំពោះមុខអ្នកជំនាញខាងវិទ្យាសាស្ត្រនយោបាយ ប្រទេសកម្ពុជាបច្ចុប្បន្នបានបាត់ បង់អស់ហើយនូវឯករាជ្យភាពនិងអធិបតេយ្យបូរណភាពដែនដីរបស់ខ្លួនពីព្រោះនៅពេលកិច្ចព្រម ព្រៀងសន្តិភាពទីក្រុងប៉ារីសត្រូវបានគេរំលោភបំពានព្រមទាំងរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញជាតិត្រូវបានគេយកមក បកស្រាយ កែច្នៃ និងចាត់ចែងដើម្បីតំរូវទៅតាមចំណង់បក្សនយោបាយមួយនោះ។ ពិតណាស់ នៅពេលដែលស្ថាប័នជាតិទាំងមូលឬនីតិរដ្ឋទាំងមូលត្រូវបានគេជាន់ឈ្លឺជំនួសដោយបុគ្គល(one, dictator, or tyranny) ឬក្រុមមនុស្ស(few, aristocracy, or oligarchy) ឬបក្សនយោបាយ មួយ(single party) សួរថាតើយើងមានជាតិនិងប្រទេសដែលរឹងមាំប្រកបដោយសក្តានុពល និងភាពថ្លៃថ្នូរដែរឬទេ បើការផ្លាស់ប្តូរនេះផ្ទុយពីគោលការណ៍រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញទៅហើយនោះ? សព្វថ្ងៃយើងហាក់ដូចជាបាត់បង់នូវលំនឹងនយោបាយការទូត សេដ្ឋកិច្ចដែលអាចពឹងលើខ្លួនបាន ពេលដែលមានតែកម្ចីនិងវិនិយោគិនចិន សង្គមយុត្តិធម៌ និងសាមគ្គីផ្ទៃក្នុងជាតិទៅហើយ។

៣. អនុសាសន៍

ក្នុងពេលគំរប់ខួប២៧ឆ្នាំនេះ យើងខ្ញុំសូមចូលរួមអនុសាសន៍សំខាន់ៗមួយចំនួនដូចតទៅ៖

  • សូមអោយបង្កើតគោលនយោបាយថ្នាក់ជាតិមួយពិតប្រាកដ មិនមែនជាគោលនយោបាយ គ្រាន់តែកំដរអារម្មណ៍មួយគ្រាៗនោះទេ។ ជាក់ស្តែង បើចង់អោយប្រជាធិបតេយ្យរីកស្គុះ ស្គាយនិងមាននិរន្តរភាព យើងត្រូវកំហិតអណត្តិមេដឹកនាំ ត្រូវមានច្បាប់ហាមប្រាម កងកំលាំងប្រដាប់អាវុធនិងព្រះសង្ឃមិនអោយធ្វើនយោបាយនិងបោះឆ្នោតបាន តំណាងរាស្ត្រត្រូវចេញពីមណ្ឌលមួយមានដែនសីមាច្បាស់លាស់មិនមែនតំណាងអោយ ខេត្តទាំងមូលប្រកបដោយផ្ទៃក្រឡាធំល្វឹងល្វើយនោះទេ។ ការពង្រឹងរដ្ឋបាលថ្នាក់ក្រោម ជាតិត្រូវធ្វើទាំងក្រុង ខេត្ត និងស្រុក មិនមែនគ្រាន់តែបោះឆ្នោតឃុំសង្កាត់នោះទេ ហើយ បេក្ខជនមិនគួរជាតំណាងគណបក្សនយោបាយនោះឡើយ។
  • គណកម្មការរៀបចំការបោះឆ្នោតឬហៅកាត់ថាគជបគួរត្រូវបានជ្រើសរើសដោយឯករាជ្យដោយមានការតែងតាំងនិងគ្រប់គ្រងដោយស្ថាប័នព្រះមហាក្សត្រដូចគ្នានឹងប្រទេស ម៉ាឡេស៊ី ឬជាមន្ត្រីប្រធានបោះឆ្នោត(Chief Election Officer)នៃប្រទេសកាណាដាដែល ត្រូវបានបោះឆ្នោតតែងតាំងដោយសភានិងត្រូវធ្វើរបាយការណ៍ជូនសភាអំពីការងារ របស់ខ្លួនជាប្រចាំ។
  • ស្ថាប័នព្រះមហាក្សត្រគួរត្រូវបានពង្រឹងតួនាទីនិងការប្រព្រឹត្តទៅទៅតាមក្រមខណ្ឌនៃ ច្បាប់ដែលមានសព្វថ្ងៃជាធរមាន។ ដូច្នេះ មិនត្រូវមានរដ្ឋមន្ត្រីព្រះបរមរាជវាំងទេ ព្រះ អង្គអាចមានឆន្ទានុសិទ្ធិតែងតាំងលេខាធិការនិងគ្រប់ គ្រងថវិការរបស់ព្រះបរមរាជវាំង ក្រោយពីអនុមត្តិពីសភា។ ពង្រឹងតួនាទីព្រះអង្គក្នុងនាមជាប្រធាននៃ អង្គចៅក្រម ជាប្រធានក្រុមប្រឹក្សាការពារជាតិ និងជាអគ្គមេបញ្ជាការនៃកងទ័ពជាតិក្នុងបុព្វហេតុដែល ព្រះអង្គជាអ្នកធានាអធិបតេយ្យជាតិខ្មែរ។
  • ដើម្បីទាញជំនឿជាតិនិងអន្តរជាតិឡើងវិញ ត្រូវពិចារណាជ្រើសរើសបុគ្គលមានសមត្ថភាព ទៅបម្រើការក្នុងក្រុមប្រឹក្សាធម្មនុញ្ញ ក្រុមប្រឹក្សានៃអង្គចៅក្រម និងកាត់បន្ថយអតិផរណា នៃសមាជិកខុទ្ទកាល័យនៃអំណាចនីតិប្រតិបត្តិដែលទំលាប់គ្រប់គ្រងកន្លងមក។
  • កម្ពុជាត្រូវប្រកាន់យកសេដ្ឋកិច្ចនាំចេញជាគ្រឹះនៃការអភិវឌ្ឍន៍(export-led growth economy)ដោយសំរបសំរួលជាមួយប្រទេសដែលនំាចូលពីប្រទេសយើងទាំងអស់។ ដោយសារកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសន្តិភាពទីក្រុងប៉ារីស កម្ពុជាបានទទួលការអនុគ្រោះនំាចូល ទៅទីផ្សាអឺរ៉ុប សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិក និងកាណាដា ដោយបាន ចំណូលជាតិពាន់លានដុល្លាក្នុង មួយឆ្នាំៗ។ កម្ពុជាមិនអាចឈ្លោះជាមួយបច្ចឹមប្រទេស ហើយប្រគល់ក្តី សង្ឃឹមអោយចិន តែមួយបានទេ។

៤. ដំណោះស្រាយបន្ទាន់ចំពោះមុខ

ដើម្បីស្តារស្ថានការណ៍ចំពោះមុខនាពេលបច្ចុប្បន្ន កម្ពុជាត្រូវអនុវត្តន៍តាមអនុសាសន៍ របស់សហគមអឺរ៉ុបជាកំហិត បើមិនដូច្នោះទេEBA ឬកូតាអនុគ្រោះពន្ធពិសេសនេះ នឹងPublic Statement on the Paris Peace Agreement 23 October 2018-4ត្រូវបាន គេផ្តាច់ ហើយកំសួលនេះនឹងរាលដាលដល់សហរដ្ឋអាមេរិកនិងកាណាដា រហូតដល់ប្រទេស ដែលជាបានចុះហត្ថលេខានៃកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសន្តិភាពទីក្រុងប៉ារីសកាលពីថ្ងៃទី២៣ ខែតុលា ឆ្នាំ១៩៩១ ទាំងអស់ រួមបញ្ចូលទាំងអង្គការសហប្រជាជាតិផងដែរ។ ហើយបើនយោបាយខ្មែរ ដើរដល់របត់ផ្លូវនោះមែន រលកនៃការបែកបាក់ នឹងកាន់តែស៊ីជ្រៅទាំងកំរិតថ្នាក់ជាតិ កំរិត អន្តរជាតិ និងក្នុងចំណោមសមាជិកគណបក្សកាន់អំណាចផងដែរ។

ជយោ លទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យនិងនីតិរដ្ឋនៅកម្ពុជា!

ជយោ ស្មារតីនៃកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសន្តិភាពទីក្រុងប៉ារីសអមតៈ!

ជយោ កំឡាំងសាមគ្គីរបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅក្រៅប្រទេស-ក្នុងប្រទេសទាំងអស់!

ធ្វើនៅកាណាដា ថ្ងៃទី២០ ខែតុលា ឆ្នាំ២០១៨

Public Statement on the Paris Peace Agreement 23 October 2018

Posted by: | Posted on: October 19, 2018

EU, Cambodia talks fail to end trade sanction threat – Mogherini

ប្រធានក្រុមគោលនយោបាយបរទេសអឺរ៉ុបលោកហ្វិតដឺរិកា ម៉ក់កើរិនីនិយាយបន្ទាប់ពីកិច្ចប្រជុំកំពូលជាមេដឹកនាំអាសុីថា ប្រទេសកម្ពុជាបរាជ័យក្នុងការបញ្ជាក់ដល់សហគមអឺរ៉ុបថាខ្លួននឹងបកស្រាយពីបញ្ហាសិទ្ធិមនុស្សនិងលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យដែលបានដាក់លក្ខណ្ឌអនុគ្រោះពាណិជ្ជកម្មក្នុងបណ្តារប្រទេសមាជិកប្រកបដោយហានីយភ័យ។

ម៉ក់កើរិនីបានជួបពិភាក្សាជាមួយនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីកម្ពុជាលោកហ៊ុន សែនក្នុងទីក្រុងប៊្រុសសិលក្នុងរវាងកិច្ចប្រជុំកំពូល តែថ្លែងថាអ្នកស្រីមិនបានលឺអ្វីសោះពីលោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីដែលអាចជៀសវាងពីទណ្ឌកម្មពាណិជ្ជកម្មដែលបានគំរាមឡើងដោយសហគមអឺរ៉ុប។

“ពួកយើងបានពិភាក្សាបញ្ហានេះ ខ្ញុំមិនអាចនិយាយថាយើងបានរកឃើញដំណោះស្រាយទេចំពោះបញ្ហាទាំងនេះ” អ្នកស្រីម៉ក់កើរិនីថ្លែងប្រាប់ក្នុងសន្និសីទសារព៍មាន។

IPU 3 BRUSSELS, Oct 19 (Reuters) – Cambodia failed on Friday to reassure the European Union it will address democratic and human right issues that have put its trade preferences with the bloc at risk, EU foreign policy chief Federica Mogherini said after a summit with Asian leaders.

Mogherini held talks with Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen in Brussels during the summit, but said she did not hear anything that would avoid trade sanctions threatened by the European Union.

“We discussed this, I cannot say that we found solutions to any of these issues,” Mogherini told a news conference.

(Reporting by Robin Emmott and Philip Blenkinsop)

For your reference, please click on Reuter link

Posted by: | Posted on: October 18, 2018

IPU issued an adoption on Cambodia from its 139th Assembly Meeting in Geneva

Comment: After the screen shot of John Lowrie has become viral through social media, the resolution of IPU has come to place. And the vice-chair of Cambodia parliament, Ms. Khoun Sodary, has come out to apologize the public on her misleading communication. This is an anatomy of how incompetent, manipulating, and flip-flop behaviour of Cambodian powerful politicians.

CL/203/11(b)-R.1 – 22 – Geneva, 18 October 2018

Cambodia

IPU 3 KHM27 – Chan Cheng KHM76 – Ky Wandara KHM48 – Mu Sochua (Ms.) KHM77 – Lath Littay KHM49 – Keo Phirum KHM78 – Lim Bun Sidareth KHM50 – Ho Van KHM79 – Lim Kimya KHM51 – Long Ry KHM80 – Long Botta KHM52 – Nut Romdoul KHM81 – Ly Srey Vyna (Ms.) KHM53 – Men Sothavarin KHM82 – Mao Monyvann KHM54 – Real Khemarin KHM83 – Ngim Nheng KHM55 – Sok Hour Hong KHM84 – Ngor Kim Cheang KHM56 – Kong Sophea KHM85 – Ou Chanrath KHM57 – Nhay Chamroeun KHM86 – Ou Chanrith KHM58 – Sam Rainsy KHM87 – Pin Ratana KHM59 – Um Sam Am KHM88 – Pol Hom KHM60 – Kem Sokha KHM89 – Pot Poeu (Ms.) KHM61 – Thak Lany (Ms.) KHM90 – Sok Umsea KHM62 – Chea Poch KHM91 – Son Chhay KHM63 – Cheam Channy KHM92 – Suon Rida KHM64 – Chiv Cata KHM93 – Te Chanmony (Ms.) KHM65 – Dam Sithik KHM94 – Tioulong Saumura (Ms.) KHM66 – Dang Chamreun KHM95 – Tok Vanchan KHM67 – Eng Chhai Eang KHM96 – Tuon Yokda KHM68 – Heng Danaro KHM97 – Tuot Khoert KHM69 – Ke Sovannroth (Ms.) KHM98 – Uch Serey Yuth KHM70 – Ken Sam Pumsen KHM99 – Vann Narith KHM71 – Keo Sambath KHM100 – Yem Ponhearith KHM72 – Khy Vanndeth KHM101 – Yim Sovann KHM73 – Kimsour Phirith KHM102 – Yun Tharo KHM74 – Kong Bora KHM103 – Tep Sothy (Ms.)

Alleged human rights violations:  Violation of freedom of opinion and expression  Violation of freedom of assembly and association  Abusive revocation of the parliamentary mandate  Lack of due process at the investigation stage  Lack of fair trial proceedings and excessive delays  Failure to respect parliamentary immunity  Violation of freedom of movement  Threats and acts of intimidation  Torture and ill-treatment and impunity  Arbitrary arrest and detention  Inhumane conditions of detention

A. Summary of the case

On 16 November 2017, the Supreme Court dissolved the sole opposition party in Cambodia, the Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP). It also banned 118 IPU 4CNRP leaders (including all 55 CNRP members of the National Assembly) from political life for five years with no possibility of appeal. Their parliamentary mandates were immediately revoked and their seats reallocated to non-elected political parties allegedly aligned with the ruling party. The Supreme Court decision was based on charges of conspiracy with a foreign country to overthrow the legitimate government brought against the President of the CNRP, Mr. Kem Sokha. Most former parliamentarians subsequently fled Cambodia and went into exile.

The dissolution of the CNRP left the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) – and Prime Minister Hun Sen – with no viable challengers for the July 2018 elections to the National Assembly. The authorities stated that the National Assembly remained a multi-party parliament composed of four political parties, in line with the Constitution of Cambodia. The CPP gained all 125 seats in the National Assembly elections, after having already gained all seats in the Senate elections in February 2018.

The dissolution of the CNRP took place against the backdrop of long-standing and repeated threats and groundless criminal charges against its members of parliament. They had been repeatedly warned by the Prime Minister that their only choice was to join the ruling party or be prepared for the dissolution and ban of their party. Since 2013, some 13 CNRP members of parliament have faced criminal accusations in relation to protests or statements critical of the CPP and the Prime Minister. All proceedings concluded with systematic convictions and raised serious issues of due process and lack of judicial independence. Two members of parliament were subjected to physical attacks that have gone unpunished.

IPU 5After one year of detention in solitary confinement, which was considered as arbitrary and politically motivated by the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention in late April 2018, Mr. Kem Sokha was placed under house arrest on 10 September 2018 in response to a request made by his family on the basis of his poor state of health in detention. The possibility for him to receive visitors remains very restricted and is subject to prior authorization by the Cambodian authorities. Opposition members and foreign officials continue to be denied access to him, according to the complainants and diplomatic sources.

Judicial proceedings are still ongoing against Mr. Sam Rainsy and Mr. Kem Sokha. The latter’s first instance trial has not yet been completed. Mr. Kem Sokha risks a 30-year prison term for planning to overthrow the Government, on the basis of a 2013 TV speech in which he called for peaceful political change in Cambodia, without at any point inciting violence or hatred or uttering defamatory words. This is also the basis of the dissolution of the opposition party, although Mr. Kem Sokha’s guilt has not been established by any criminal court decision to the present day.

Case KHM-Coll-03 Cambodia: Parliament affiliated to the IPU Victims: 57 former opposition parliamentarians (50 male andIPU 6 seven female, 55 from the National Assembly and two from the Senate) Qualified complainant(s): Section I (1) (c) of the Committee Procedure (Annex 1) Submission of complaint: November 2011 Recent IPU decision: March 2018 IPU mission: February 2016 Recent Committee hearings: Hearing with the Cambodia delegation to the 139th IPU Assembly (October 2018) Recent follow-up: – Communication from the authorities: Letter of the Secretary General of the National Assembly (March 2018) – Communication from the complainant: September 2018 – Communication from the IPU to the Secretary General of the National Assembly (September 2018) – Communication from the IPU to the complainant: September 2018.

B. Decision

The Committee Decides to recommend to the Governing Council of the Inter-Parliamentary Union that it adopt the following decision: The Governing Council of the Inter-Parliamentary Union,

IPU 11. Thanks the Cambodian delegation to the 139th IPU Assembly for meeting with the Committee on the Human Rights of Parliamentarians, while deeply regretting that this dialogue has not been conducive to progress;

2. Is appalled to learn that Mr. Kem Sokha’s health has seriously deteriorated and that this is the only reason why he is now under house arrest rather than still detained in solitary confinement in prison; takes note with concern that he is still being given limited opportunities to receive visitors, and then only subject to prior official authorization;

3. Notes with concern that the delegation of Cambodia to the 139th IPU Assembly invited the Committee on the Human Rights of Parliamentarians to visit Cambodia again to “see the reality on the ground” but stated that it would not be authorized to meet with Mr. Kem Sokha; stresses that the Committee has decided that it would only send a delegation to Cambodia if that delegation is allowed to meet Mr. Kem Sokha and firm written assurances are received to that end; urges the Cambodian authorities to grant the Committee authorization to meet with Mr. Kem Sokha;

IPU 24. Recalls its findings and recommendations following the Committee’s 2016 fact-finding mission to Cambodia; and observes that the Cambodian authorities have failed to take any steps to implement them and resume political dialogue with the opposition; also recalls that its prior request to visit Mr. Kem Sokha in detention had been denied by the Cambodian authorities and that no foreign delegation has been authorized to meet Mr. Kem Sokha since his arrest;

5. Reaffirms its prior conclusions that the fundamental rights of all former opposition parliamentarians have been blatantly violated by the authorities of Cambodia, which have failed to respect and protect the rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly of opposition members of parliament, as well as due process guarantees enshrined in the Constitution and laws of Cambodia; remains deeply concerned that these violations are reminiscent of a long-standing pattern of abuse against the opposition that has been documented by the IPU at each past election;

6. Denounces the fact that all 55 parliamentarians of the only opposition party elected to the National Assembly were stripped of their parliamentary mandates and were banned from political life for five years as a result of a Supreme Court ruling and on the basis of legislation, which ran completely counter to their individual and collective rights to take part in the conduct of public affairs and their right to a fair trial;

7. Denounces furthermore the fact that the Supreme Court dissolved the opposition party on the grounds that its leader, Mr. Kem Sokha, planned to overthrow the Government by organizing a so-called “colour revolution”, even though Mr. Kem Sokha’s trial is still ongoing, and that he and all other opposition members of parliament – who have not been prosecuted for these charges – should be presumed innocent until proven guilty by a final court decision; considers that the presumption of innocence and the rule of law have been clearly violated in the present case; and wishes in this regard to put on official record the statement made by the Cambodian delegation to the 139th IPU delegation that “if the opposition members remain quiet, they will be able to resume their political activities” in four years, once the political ban expires, but that in the meantime “they must serve their sentences”;

8. Further recalls its prior findings that the so-called evidence against Mr. Kem Sokha are videos of a 2013 speech of Mr. Kem Sokha that contains nothing whatsoever that could constitute a criminal offence; points out that Mr. Kem Sokha at no point incited hatred or violence or uttered defamatory words in the incriminated videos and that he has emphasized that he aimed at bringing political change by winning the elections; deplores that this video has been used as evidence of treason, for which Mr. Kem Sokha faces up to 30 years in prison; is also alarmed at the clear violation of his parliamentary immunity in the absence of any criminal offence and of any flagrante delicto;

9. Urges once again all Cambodian authorities to immediately release Mr. Kem Sokha and drop the charges, to allow him to resume his duties as president of the opposition without further delay and restriction and to reinstate the CNRP;

10. Renews its call on all IPU member parliaments, including on the parliamentary member of the Asia-Pacific Geopolitical Group, as well as parliamentary assemblies and associations with IPU permanent observer status active in the region, to take concrete actions in support of the urgent resolution of this case in a manner consistent with democratic and human rights values; also counts on the assistance of all relevant regional and international organizations;

11. Requests the Secretary General to convey this decision to the competent authorities, the complainants and any third party likely to be in a position to supply relevant information;

12. Requests the Committee to continue examining this case and to report back to it in due course.

Read the whole adoption: 157_-_public_-_committee_decisions-e