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August 20, 2023
What Can We Expect From the New Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet?
By Sam Rainsy
Cambodia will have a new prime minister on August 22 in the person of Hun Manet, who will replace his father Hun Sen. This change has been orchestrated by Hun Sen himself after his 38-year rule, matching by only two African dictators.
Hun Manet’s assumption of office holds mostly symbolic value, as no significant changes in the political landscape of Cambodia are anticipated. In reality, Hun Sen will continue to pull the strings as the head of the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP), a party of communist origin that has been in power since 1979. Little will truly change as long as the current system established by Hun Sen himself remains intact. Hun Manet will effectively be a captive of this system, which he must preserve under the watchful eye of his father.
Neo-Khmer Rouge Regime
Hun Sen’s regime can be characterized as a neo-Khmer Rouge regime, as it is based on violence and impunity, much like under Pol Pot. Hun Sen was a loyal military leader under Pol Pot from 1975 to 1977. Under Hun Sen, at every level of the state, many new Cambodian leaders after Pol Pot were recruited from former Khmer Rouge cadres, allowing for the maintenance of a police state to this day.
What Hun Sen primarily expects from his son, Hun Manet, is the assurance of continued impunity. It’s widely known that in Phnom Penh, the courts are under political control, and none of the numerous political crimes – resembling acts of state terrorism – which have been committed under Hun Sen have ever been subject to a serious investigation. Cambodia is a land of impunity where the worst murderers roam freely within the corridors of state.
A glimmer of hope for an end to this impunity recently emerged from Paris. On 30 December, 2021, a French investigating judge’s ordinance hinted that Hun Sen could be prosecuted in France once he loses his judicial immunity tied to his role as head of government. This would be in relation to the grenade attack in Phnom Penh on 30 March, 1997. As a French citizen, I had filed a complaint against Hun Sen in the Paris court for an assassination attempt against me that resulted in at least 16 deaths among my supporters on that day.
Hun Sen’s second objective in passing the power from father to son is the ability to continue to control Cambodia both economically and in patrimonial terms.
The Cambodian economy is largely controlled by the Hun Sen family and its allies, forming a political and financial elite which holds immense wealth amidst widespread poverty. Hun Sen perpetuated the Khmer Rouge mentality and culture of considering the nation’s wealth and state property as spoils of war to be used at the victors’ discretion.
In this patrimonial power perspective, Hun Sen publicly declared that he saw himself in the future as “not only the father but also the grandfather of prime ministers.” He must have had the North Korean lineage of Kim Il-sung, Kim Jong-il and Kim Jong-un in mind.
The replacement of Hun Sen by his son Hun Manet becomes almost comical when such succession extends not only to the Hun family but also to all families forming the ruling clan. In fact, practically all ministers in the current government led by Hun Sen will be replaced by their respective children in the upcoming government led by Hun Manet. This is a world-first that even North Korea had not dared to imagine.
What makes the creation of the Hun dynasty in Cambodia even more farcical is the “democratic” foundation that Hun Sen wanted to ensure for it. A two-penny farce that would be amusing if a country’s fate was not at stake.
Hun Sen wanted to take no risks over his son’s enthronement. On 23 July, he organized a sham election where his victory was 100% guaranteed. Just a few weeks before the voting day, he had arbitrarily removed the only opposition party that could have challenged him, the Candlelight Party (CP), which I founded 25 years ago.
This highly undemocratic and discriminatory measure provoked an outcry from the international community, which Hun Sen, in his determination to secure his son Hun Manet’s appointment as prime minister, utterly disregarded. But he won’t be able to ignore the backlash for long. Lack of legitimacy is the automatic result of elections without risk.
Lack of Legitimacy
This lack of legitimacy will remain a stain that forever marks the new government under Hun Manet.
Hun Manet himself has a lack of achievement for which Hun Sen cannot compensate. His personality seems rather dull compared to his father’s; he lacks charisma, eloquence and authority. Over the past twenty years spent alongside his father leading the country, particularly the military, he has never done or said anything that would suggest he possesses an independent personality. He has only continually praised his father without any critical thinking.
Despite being 45 years old, he has no known notable achievements or accomplishments, even though he had all the means to accomplish them. Just recently, when the time came to make him prime minister, slightly altering the initial timeline (see “What Lies Behind the Sudden Resignation of Prime Minister Hun Sen?” in The Geopolitics on August 7, 2023), “achievements” were suddenly attributed to him, such as his “heroic behavior” during border incidents with Thailand and Laos 10 or 15 years ago and his “exemplary leadership” in the fight against the Covid-19 pandemic.
These “achievements” largely rely on imagination, as some border incidents with neighboring countries were periodically manufactured by Hun Sen to boost his electoral campaigns, and the successes in fighting Covid-19 in Cambodia can raise skepticism (see “Cambodia is being turned into a political advert for Chinese vaccines” in The Geopolitics on November 16, 2021). Laos, which made little fuss about the pandemic, has fared better than Cambodia with fewer Covid-19 deaths per million inhabitants.
Even the highly-touted admission of Hun Manet to the US Military Academy at West Point conceals a secret inadvertently revealed by Hun Sen. In 2021, the father published a lengthy letter from his son in which the latter clarified that there were two paths to admission at West Point – one for Americans and the other for foreigners – and that he (Hun Manet) was admitted through the second path only thanks to political connections provided by the Phnom Penh government.
Looking ahead, with Hun Manet as prime minister and Hun Sen continuing to set the government’s major political directions, no liberalization of the current regime should be expected. This regime is fundamentally built on repression and violence, which have ensnared those exercising power. In fact, violence confines those who employ it to stay in power more so than those who suffer it. Any liberalization by dictators who rely on violence can only lead to their downfall. The enduring North Korean model is evidence of this.
Original source: https://thegeopolitics.com/what-can-we-expect-from-the-new-cambodian-prime-minister-hun-manet/
Summary: Leadership 101 (John C. Maxwell)
Source By Admin
Leadership is one of those topics that makes me uneasy, only because it seems to attract charlatans, especially within the corporate world. That’s why the word has some negative connotations to it, at least in my mind. But there is nothing mysterious or negative about true leadership.
Author John C. Maxwell proves this with his refreshing book, Leadership 101. While the title of the book does sound basic and unoriginal, the content of the book is surprisingly strong. It covers the topic of leadership — within the context of an organization — in a very clear and concise manner.
By taking the most powerful excerpts and quotes from the book, which is already a concise volume, I find that the knowledge can be refreshed, and thus retained, in a fraction of the time it would take to re-read the book in its entirety. Below is my personal summary.
Did you know that each of us influences at least ten thousand other people during our lifetime? So the question is not whether you influence someone, but how will you use your influence.
Sir Francis Bacon observed that knowledge is power. Back when he lived and information was scarce, that may have been true. But today, it would be better to say that knowledge empowers — as long as it’s what you need.
PART 1: THE DEVELOPMENT OF A LEADER
Why Should I Grow As A Leader?
Leadership ability is the lid that determines a person’s level of effectiveness.
Your leadership ability — for better or for worse — always determines your effectiveness and the potential impact of your organization.
The higher you want to climb, the more you need leadership. The greater the impact you want to make, the greater your influence needs to be.
Leadership has a multiplying effect.
To change the direction of the organization, change the leader.
To reach the highest level of effectiveness, you need to raise the lid of leadership ability.
How Can I Grow As A Leader?
Leadership develops daily, not in a day.
What matters most is what you do day by day over the long haul.
“The secret of our success is found in our daily agenda.”
Leadership is complicated. It has many facets: respect, experience, emotional strength, people skills, discipline, vision, momentum, timing — the list goes on.
Leadership is influence.
The Four Phases of Leadership Growth:
- Phase 1: I don’t know what I don’t know
- Phase 2: I know what I don’t know
- Phase 3: I grow and know and it starts to show
- Phase 4: I simply go because of what I know
To be conscious that you are ignorant of the facts is a great step to knowledge.”
Successful leaders are learners. And the learning process is ongoing, a result of self-discipline and perseverance.
Whenever you come across a golden nugget of truth or a significant quote, file it away for the future.
There is an old saying: Champions don’t become champions in the ring — they are merely recognized there.
If you want to see where someone develops into a champion, look at his daily routine.
Boxing is a good analogy for leadership because it is all about daily preparation.
Leadership doesn’t develop in a day. It takes a lifetime.
PART 2: THE TRAITS OF A LEADER
How Can I Become Disciplined?
The first person you lead is you.
No matter how gifted a leader is, his gifts will never reach their maximum potential without the application of self-discipline.
Self-discipline: No one achieves and sustains success without it.
A Disciplined Direction:
- Challenge your excuses
- Remove rewards until the job is done
- Stay focused on results
If you lack self-discipline, you may be in the habit of having dessert before eating your vegetables.
If you know you have talent, and you’ve seen a lot of motion but little concrete results — you may lack self-discipline.
Look at last week’s schedule. How much of your time did you devote to regular, disciplined activities?
How Should I Prioritize My Life?
The discipline to prioritize and the ability to work toward a stated goal are essential to a leader’s success.
Success can be defined as the progressive realization of a predetermined goal.
Twenty percent of your priorities will give you 80 percent of your production.
Examples of Pareto principle:
- Time: 20 percent of our time produces 80 percent of the results.
- Counseling: 20 percent of the people take up 80 percent of our time.
- Products: 20 percent of the products bring in 80 percent of the profit.
- Reading: 20 percent of the book contains 80 percent of the content.
- Job: 20 percent of our work gives us 80 percent of our satisfaction.
- Speech: 20 percent of the presentation produces 80 percent of the impact.
- Leadership: 20 percent of the people will make 80 percent of the decisions.
- Business: 20 percent of the people in an organization will be responsible for 80 percent of the company’s success.
- Determine which people are the top 20 percent producers.
- Spend 80 percent of your “people time” with the top 20 percent.
- Spend 80 percent of your personal development dollars on the top 20 percent.
- Determine what 20 percent of the work gives 80 percent of the return and train an assistant to do the 80 percent less-effective work.
- Ask the top 20 percent to do on-the-job training for the next 20 percent.
Remember: We teach what we know; we reproduce what we are. Like begets like.
If this person takes a negative action against me or withdraws his or her support from me, what will the impact likely be? If you won’t be able to function, then put a check mark next to that name.
Remember: It’s not how hard you work; it’s how smart you work.
The ability to juggle three or four high priority projects successfully is a must for every leader.
A life in which anything goes will ultimately be a life in which nothing goes.
- Lead: pick up the phone and make contact
- Spend time planning: anticipate problems
- Invest time with people
- Fill the calendar by priorities
- Listen; wait for phone to ring
- Spend time living day-to-day reacting to problems
- Spend time with people
- Fill the calendar by requests
What is required of me?
What gives me the greatest return?
Am I doing what I do best and receiving a good return for the organization?
What is most rewarding?
Post written by petition at
- ផ្សាភ្ជាប់នឹងវិធាន 144(5) និង 132(4) នៃវិធាននីតិវិធីរបស់ខ្លួន។
ក. កាលពីថ្ងៃទី៣ ខែមីនា ឆ្នាំ២០២៣ បន្ទាប់ពីការកាត់ក្តីដែលអ្នកជំនាញអង្គការសហប្រជាជាតិចាត់ទុកថា «មិនបានបំពេញតាមស្តង់ដារនៃច្បាប់សិទ្ធិមនុស្សកម្ពុជា ឬអន្តរជាតិ» តុលាការក្រុងភ្នំពេញបានកាត់ទោសលោក កឹម សុខា ឲ្យជាប់ពន្ធនាគារ ២៧ឆ្នាំ ដែលរូបលោកកំពុងស្ថិតក្នុងគុកបណ្តោះអាសន្ន។ អនុញ្ញាតឲ្យបន្តឃុំខ្លួននៅក្នុងផ្ទះ និងព្យួរសិទ្ធិនយោបាយរបស់គាត់ក្នុងការបោះឆ្នោត និងឈរឈ្មោះអោយគេបោះឆ្នោតដោយគ្មានកំណត់។
ខ.ចំណែកឯ កឹម សុខា អតីតប្រធានគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ ត្រូវបានចាប់ខ្លួនកាលពីឆ្នាំ ២០១៧ ពីបទសមគំនិតផ្ដួលរំលំលោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន និងឃុំខ្លួនបណ្ដោះអាសន្នតាមអំពើចិត្ត រហូតដល់មានការឃុំខ្លួនក្នុងផ្ទះកាលពីថ្ងៃទី១០ ខែកញ្ញា ឆ្នាំ២០១៨។
គ. ចំណែកឯ ចាប់តាំងពីតុលាការកំពូលកម្ពុជាបានរំលាយគណបក្សប្រឆាំងធំជាងគេគឺគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ រដ្ឋាភិបាលកម្ពុជាបាននឹងកំពុងបង្រ្កាបសមាជិកគណបក្សប្រឆាំងដោយដាក់ពន្ធនាគារ និងពិន័យជាប្រាក់ និងបង្ខំពួកគេឱ្យនិរទេសខ្លួនទៅក្រៅប្រទេស។
ឃ ខណៈពេលដែលលោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន បានកាន់អំណាចស្ទើរតែគ្មានការរំខានរយៈពេល 38 ឆ្នាំ ហើយគណបក្សកាន់អំណាចបានក្តោបក្តាប់អំណាចទាំងស្រុងលើស្ថាប័នរដ្ឋ និងស្ថាប័ននីតិប្បញ្ញត្តិ។
E. ចំណែកឯការបង្រ្កាបរបស់រដ្ឋាភិបាលលើប្រព័ន្ធផ្សព្វផ្សាយឯករាជ្យ អង្គការសង្គមស៊ីវិល និងគណបក្សនយោបាយជំទាស់ ដែលបានចាប់ផ្តើមក្នុងឆ្នាំ ២០១៧ បានបន្ត រួមទាំងតាមរយៈការកាត់ក្តីក្លែងបន្លំជាក្រុម ការធ្វើទុក្ខបុកម្នេញលើសកម្មជនដូចជា កញ្ញាសេង ធារី និងថ្នាក់ដឹកនាំ និងសមាជិកនៃគណបក្សភ្លើងទៀន ការរឹតបន្តឹងសេរីភាព និងការបិទវិទ្យុវីអូឌីVODនៅថ្ងៃទី ១៣ ខែកុម្ភៈ ឆ្នាំ ២០២៣ ដែលជាប្រព័ន្ធផ្សព្វផ្សាយឯករាជ្យចុងក្រោយបង្អស់របស់កម្ពុជា។
- អំពាវនាវឱ្យមានការដោះលែងលោក កឹម សុខា ជាបន្ទាន់ និងដោយគ្មានលក្ខខណ្ឌ និងមន្ត្រី និងសកម្មជនគណបក្សប្រឆាំងទាំងអស់ដែលត្រូវបានកាត់ទោស ឬឃុំខ្លួន ក្រោមបទចោទប្រកាន់ពាក់ព័ន្ធនយោបាយ។
- ជំរុញឱ្យអាជ្ញាធរកម្ពុជាធានាឱ្យមានការបោះឆ្នោតដោយសេរី និងយុត្តិធម៌នៅខែកក្កដា ឆ្នាំ២០២៣ ដោយអនុញ្ញាតឱ្យគណបក្សនយោបាយទាំងអស់ ធ្វើយុទ្ធនាការបោះឆ្នោតដោយស្មើភាព សេរី និងតម្លាភាព ក្រោមគណៈកម្មាធិការជាតិរៀបចំការបោះឆ្នោតជាតិដែលប្រកបដោយបរិយាបន្ននិងតម្លាភាពជាងមុន។ អំពាវនាវឱ្យផ្តល់សុពលភាពគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិឡេីងវិញជាបន្ទាន់ ដេីម្បីចូលរួមក្នុងការបោះឆ្នោតឆ្នាំ២០២៣។
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The European Parliament,
– having regard to its previous resolutions on Cambodia,
– having regard to Rules 144(5) and 132(4) of its Rules of Procedure,
A. whereas on 3 March 2023, following a trial deemed by UN experts to have ‘failed to meet the standard of either Cambodian or international human rights law’, Phnom Penh Municipal Court sentenced Kem Sokha to 27 years in jail, which he is temporarily allowed to serve under house arrest, and indefinitely suspended his political rights to vote and to stand for election;
B. whereas Kem Sokha the former Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) president was arrested in 2017 over accusations of conspiracy to overthrow Prime Minister Hun Sen and held in arbitrary pre-trial detention until his conditional release into house arrest on 10 September 2018;
C. whereas since the Supreme Court of Cambodia dissolved the largest opposition party, the CNRP, the Cambodian Government has been cracking down on members of the political opposition by jailing and fining them, and forcing them into exile;
D. whereas Prime Minister Hun Sen has been in power almost without interruption for 38 years and the ruling party holds absolute power over the state and legislative bodies;
E. whereas the government crackdown on independent media, civil society organisations and political opposition that began in 2017 has continued, including through sham mass trials, the persecution of activists such as Seng Theary and the leadership and members of the opposition Candlelight Party, the restriction of liberties and the closure on 13 February 2023 of VOD, one of Cambodia’s last independent media outlets;
1. Calls for the immediate and unconditional release of Kem Sokha and all opposition officials and activists convicted or detained on politically motivated charges;
2. Urges the Cambodian authorities to ensure free and fair elections in July 2023, allowing all political parties to carry out equal, free and transparent electoral campaigns under a more inclusive and transparent national election committee; calls for the immediate reinstatement of the CNRP for participation in the 2023 elections;
3. Calls on the authorities to put an end to all forms of harassment, intimidation and politically motivated criminal charges against members of the opposition, trade unionists, human right defenders (HRDs), civil society and media actors and for the immediate reinstatement of VOD;
4. Calls for the coordinated use of available political avenues including the further suspension of Cambodia’s ‘Everything But Arms’ status if the 2023 elections deviate from international standards or violations of human rights continue;
5. Urges the Commission to define human rights benchmarks for its ongoing enhanced engagement with the Cambodian authorities, and to provide assistance to Cambodia’s civil society and HRDs;
6. Urges the Council to adopt targeted sanctions, under the EU Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime, to hold accountable all persons responsible for serious human rights violations and the dissolution and subsequent repression of the Cambodian opposition;
7. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the VP/HR, the ASEAN Secretary-General and the Government, Prime Minister and National Assembly of Cambodia.
Source: Original Link