April, 2016
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All Cambodians overseas are entitled to vote in Cambodia elections
Political Paradigm of Pragmatism from the Khmer Youth part 61
This part (61), Mr. Sophan Seng analysed on the “Cambodian voters from overseas” that are differentiated by their resettlement mandate.
For those who are living in foreign countries permanently such as Cambodia diaspora members in the United States, Canada, France, Australia, and many other parts of the world, they should be facilitated to vote in Cambodia elections. There are approximately 500,000 or half million Cambodians overseas among those diaspora who have hugely contributed for nation-building of Cambodia.
Cambodian citizens who are temporarily living oversea are migrant workers, students, soldiers stationing in South Africa, and government officials. There are approximately 100,000,0 or 1 million Cambodians temporary living abroad. Those people are entitled to vote in all Cambodia elections.
Cambodia is at the brink of disaster as Justice System is sacked and twisted
តាមតថភាពជាក់ស្តែង ប្រព័ន្ធយុត្តិធម៍នៅកម្ពុជាបានធ្វើដំណើរមកដល់ចំណុចគ្រោះថ្នាក់បំផុតមួយ សព្វថ្ងៃនេះ។ ដំណាក់កណ្តាលផ្លូវកាច់នេះបានគាស់កកាយការពិតនៃនយោបាយខ្មៅកខ្វក់និងអាកប្បកិរិយានយោបាយដែលប្រឡាក់ដិតដាមយូរយារមកហើយរបស់កម្ពុជា។ ដោយមិនផ្តោតសំខាន់ទៅលើកិច្ចខិតខំប្រឹងប្រែងដើម្បីនាំមកនូវជំនឿទុកចិត្តក្នុងសង្គម ម្ចាស់ពានរង្វាន់ខាងយុទ្ធសាស្រ្តនយោបាយបានប្រើវិធីសាស្រ្តផ្សេងៗដើម្បីកកូរកកាយសង្គមដែលពោរពេញទៅដោយមនុស្សមានជំងឺបាក់ស្បាតអោយបាក់ស្បាតកាន់តែខ្លាំងឡើងដោយការអង្រួនអោយចំតំលៃពិតរបស់វា។
រដ្ឋដែលគួរអោយគោរពមួយរមែងមានធាតុផ្សំសំខាន់របស់វាពីរគឺការអភិវឌ្ឍន៌សេដ្ឋកិច្ចប្រកបដោយចិរភាពនិងច្បាស់លាស់ ហើយនឹងការវេញធ្លុងយ៉ាងមាំរបស់ជាតិតាមរយះធនធានសង្គមនៃការជឿជាក់ទុកចិត្តគ្នា។ នៅពេលណាដែលធាតុផ្សំណាមួយត្រូវបានគេបំផ្លាញឬអង្រួនអោយដួល ការរស់រានមានជីវិតនៃជាតិនោះគឺកំពុងស្ថិតនៅក្នុងជ្រោះមរណៈ។ ថ្ងៃនេះ យុត្តិធម៌សង្គមត្រូវបានគេវាយលុកបាន ថ្ងៃស្អែកចលាចលសង្គមអាចនឹងផ្ទុះឡើង ថ្ងៃខានស្អែកភ្លើងឆេះកល្បទាំងស្រុងនឹងមកដល់ ។ល។
Actually, the justice system in Cambodia has reached its critical stage right now. This crossroad juncture unearthed the dirty politics and ingrained political behavior of Cambodia. Without conducting proper agenda to bringing about trust from the people, the tactician has used different tactics to stir this traumatized society into more traumatized by shaking the core value of it.
A dignified nation-state comprises of at least two components: the savvy and sustainable economic development and the tight national bond through trust and cohesive social capital. Whenever, one of these two are damaged or shaken, the survival of that nation is at the brink. Today, social justice is sacked, tomorrow social upheaval exploded, after tomorrow total annihilation arrived etc.
Right to vote of Cambodians overseas responding to Hun Manet
Political Paradigm of Pragmatism from the Khmer Youth part 60
ក្នុងនាមជាអ្នករស់នៅក្រៅប្រទេសម្នាក់ មានការសោកស្តាយចំពោះមតិរបស់លោកហ៑ុន ម៉ាណែតទាក់ទងនឹងសិទ្ធិបោះឆ្នោតរបស់ខ្មែរដែលកំពុងរស់នៅក្រៅប្រទេស។
ឳពុករបស់លោកនិងរូបលោកផ្ទាល់ហាក់បីដូចជាគ្មានឆន្ទៈនយោបាយក្នុងការសំរួលអោយខ្មែរដែលកំពុងរស់នៅបរទេសជិត២លាននាក់បានចូលរួមបោះឆ្នោតបាន។ ឳពុកលោកនិងរូបលោកមានហេតុផលប្រហាក់ប្រហែលគ្នា ដែលហេតុផលទាំងនោះជាបញ្ហាបច្ចេកទេសសុទ្ធសាធ។ បើនិយាយពីបញ្ហាបច្ចេកទេសវិញ យើងអាចសំរួលតាមរបៀបមីយ៉ាន់ម៉ា ថៃ ឬហ្វីលីពីន ឬយើងអាចពិភាក្សាបង្កើតរបៀបរបស់យើងទាំងស្រុង។
ការមិនសំរួលអោយខ្មែររស់ក្រៅប្រទេសអាចបោះឆ្នោតបានដោយងាយស្រួល គឺជាការរំលោភរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញខ្មែរ ក៏ដូចជាកតិកាសញ្ញាអន្តរជាតិដែលកម្ពុជាជាភាគីហត្ថលេខី។
Courtesy: Hun Manet Facebook Page
On behalf of a Cambodian oversea, I am disappointed by Hun Manet who was interviewed by VOA Khmer recently about the rights to vote of Cambodians overseas.
His father and Hun Manet seems have no political will to facilitate easy access for Cambodians overseas to exercise their rights to vote. He and his father have the same reason to not allow Cambodians overseas to vote as those reasons are typical technical issues. If we are going to discuss technical issues, we could learn from Myanmar, Thailand and the Philippines, or we can establish our own mechanism.
Intention to obstruct Cambodians overseas to vote in Cambodia elections is a violation over Cambodia Constitution and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of the United Nations in which Cambodia is a covenant.
The 1993 Cambodian Constitution: glass half-empty or glass half-full?
Op-Ed: Phnom Penh Post
On the 16th anniversary of its adoption, observers reopen a debate on the founding document’s legacy
KEY PROVISIONS IN THE 1993 CAMBODIAN CONSTITUTION:
- Article 7: The King shall reign, but shall not govern.
- Article 31: The Kingdom of Cambodia shall recognise and respect human rights as stipulated in the United Nations charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the covenants and conventions related to human rights, women’s and children’s rights.
- Article 41: Khmer citizens shall have freedom of expression, press, publication and assembly. No one shall exercise this right to infringe upon the rights of others, to affect the good traditions of the society, to violate public law and order and national security.
- Article 44: The right to confiscate possessions from any person shall be exercised only in the public interest.
- Article 51: The legislative, executive and judicial powers shall be separated.
- Article 80: No [National] Assembly member shall be prosecuted, detained or arrested because of opinions expressed during the exercise of his or her duties.
- Article 132: Revision or amendments shall be enacted by a constitutional law passed by the Assembly with a two-thirds majority vote.
AS the Kingdom marks the 16th birthday of its Constitution, adopted with much fanfare on this day in 1993, observers remain divided on the elusive document, opening a debate on whether it stands as a symbol of Cambodia’s emergence from years of war and conflict or a sign of squandered opportunities.
Cambodia’s founding fathers – a motley mix of lapsed Marxists, royalists, nationalist resistance fighters and foreign consultants – spent more than a year drafting a new Constitution together from the Kingdom’s 1947 Constitution and human rights stipulations contained in the October 1991 Paris Peace Agreements.
The Constitution that came into force on September 24, 1993, was a watershed in Cambodian history, containing a separation of powers (Article 51), adherence to international human rights treaties (Article 31) and a series of provisions respecting basic civil rights (Articles 32 to 50).
Coming at the tail end of the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) and just four months after Cambodia’s first multi-party elections in decades, the Constitution arrived at an important crossroads in the country’s history. But some say the story of the document since 1993 has largely been one of form over substance.
“We have a sophisticated set of documents, but documents are only papers. The facade is there, but there is no democratic substance,” opposition leader Sam Rainsy told the Post.