Political Paradigm of Pragmatism from the Khmer Youth part 61
This part (61), Mr. Sophan Seng analysed on the “Cambodian voters from overseas” that are differentiated by their resettlement mandate.
For those who are living in foreign countries permanently such as Cambodia diaspora members in the United States, Canada, France, Australia, and many other parts of the world, they should be facilitated to vote in Cambodia elections. There are approximately 500,000 or half million Cambodians overseas among those diaspora who have hugely contributed for nation-building of Cambodia.
Cambodian citizens who are temporarily living oversea are migrant workers, students, soldiers stationing in South Africa, and government officials. There are approximately 100,000,0 or 1 million Cambodians temporary living abroad. Those people are entitled to vote in all Cambodia elections.
Actually, the justice system in Cambodia has reached its critical stage right now. This crossroad juncture unearthed the dirty politics and ingrained political behavior of Cambodia. Without conducting proper agenda to bringing about trust from the people, the tactician has used different tactics to stir this traumatized society into more traumatized by shaking the core value of it.
A dignified nation-state comprises of at least two components: the savvy and sustainable economic development and the tight national bond through trust and cohesive social capital. Whenever, one of these two are damaged or shaken, the survival of that nation is at the brink. Today, social justice is sacked, tomorrow social upheaval exploded, after tomorrow total annihilation arrived etc.
His father and Hun Manet seems have no political will to facilitate easy access for Cambodians overseas to exercise their rights to vote. He and his father have the same reason to not allow Cambodians overseas to vote as those reasons are typical technical issues. If we are going to discuss technical issues, we could learn from Myanmar, Thailand and the Philippines, or we can establish our own mechanism.
Intention to obstruct Cambodians overseas to vote in Cambodia elections is a violation over Cambodia Constitution and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of the United Nations in which Cambodia is a covenant.
On the 16th anniversary of its adoption, observers reopen a debate on the founding document’s legacy
KEY PROVISIONS IN THE 1993 CAMBODIAN CONSTITUTION:
Article 7: The King shall reign, but shall not govern.
Article 31: The Kingdom of Cambodia shall recognise and respect human rights as stipulated in the United Nations charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the covenants and conventions related to human rights, women’s and children’s rights.
Article 41: Khmer citizens shall have freedom of expression, press, publication and assembly. No one shall exercise this right to infringe upon the rights of others, to affect the good traditions of the society, to violate public law and order and national security.
Article 44: The right to confiscate possessions from any person shall be exercised only in the public interest.
Article 51: The legislative, executive and judicial powers shall be separated.
Article 80: No [National] Assembly member shall be prosecuted, detained or arrested because of opinions expressed during the exercise of his or her duties.
Article 132: Revision or amendments shall be enacted by a constitutional law passed by the Assembly with a two-thirds majority vote.
AS the Kingdom marks the 16th birthday of its Constitution, adopted with much fanfare on this day in 1993, observers remain divided on the elusive document, opening a debate on whether it stands as a symbol of Cambodia’s emergence from years of war and conflict or a sign of squandered opportunities.
Cambodia’s founding fathers – a motley mix of lapsed Marxists, royalists, nationalist resistance fighters and foreign consultants – spent more than a year drafting a new Constitution together from the Kingdom’s 1947 Constitution and human rights stipulations contained in the October 1991 Paris Peace Agreements.
The Constitution that came into force on September 24, 1993, was a watershed in Cambodian history, containing a separation of powers (Article 51), adherence to international human rights treaties (Article 31) and a series of provisions respecting basic civil rights (Articles 32 to 50).
Coming at the tail end of the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) and just four months after Cambodia’s first multi-party elections in decades, the Constitution arrived at an important crossroads in the country’s history. But some say the story of the document since 1993 has largely been one of form over substance.
“We have a sophisticated set of documents, but documents are only papers. The facade is there, but there is no democratic substance,” opposition leader Sam Rainsy told the Post.