December, 2015
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Political Paradigm of Pragmatism from the Khmer Youth part 45
While the cooperation (non-confrontational or culture of dialogue) between Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) and Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) is transformed into confrontation as usual in over-night political rhetoric, the term of heated up political conflict in Cambodia has been tensely criticized. Heated up because of the changing political attitude between government-led party and opposition party has rarely happened in developed countries (both communist and democratic countries). But Cambodia has experienced exotic political culture. Whenever, there are conflicts between different political parties, Cambodian people are under fear, investors are under threat, and foreign direct investment (FDI) are under uncertainty. This phenomena is indicating that Cambodia has no political institution that belongs to the nation. Cambodia has proven herself as a fragile state of few leadership like what Aristotle pinpointed it “led by few” or “autocrats”.ការបោះឆ្នោតនៅកម្ពុជានិងនៅប្រទេសកាណាដា
ខែឧសភានិងខែតុលាឆ្នាំ២០១៥នេះ ខ្ញុំមានឳកាសបានចូលរួមជាមន្រ្តីរៀបចំការបោះឆ្នោតថ្នាក់ខេត្ត នៃខេត្តអាល់បើរតា (Alberta)និងថ្នាក់ប្រទេសនៃ ប្រទេសកាណាដា។
ការបោះឆ្នោតនៅប្រទេសកាណាដាគឺមានបទពិសោធន៍យូរយារណាស់មកហើយ ហើយមានការទទួលស្គាល់ថាសុក្រឹតយុត្តិធម៌(free and fair) មានស្តង់ដារ (standard) និងមានមុខវិជ្ជាជីវៈ (professionalism) ខ្ពស់បំផុតសំរាប់កំរិតការបោះឆ្នោតទាំងបីគឺ៖
១. កំរិតរដ្ឋសហព័ន្ធ (Federal)
២. កំរិតខេត្ត (Provincial)
៣. កំរិតក្រុង (Municipal)
វគ្គជ្រើសរើសមន្រ្តីរៀបចំបោះឆ្នោតធ្វើឡើងយ៉ាងសាមញ្ញបំផុត។ មន្ត្រីថ្នាក់ក្រោមទាំងអស់គឺជាបុគ្គលិកបណ្តែតបែបកុងត្រារយះពេលខ្លី គឺមានន័យថាពួកគេទទួលកំរៃរយះពេលពីរបីថ្ងៃសម្រាប់ថ្ងៃបោះឆ្នោតធំចុងក្រោយ។ អ្វីដែលគួរអោយកត់សម្គាល់គឺវិធានការជ្រើសរើសនិងការស្បថសច្ចាបណិធានមិនអោយមានការលំអៀងនិងការឆ្គាំឆ្គងបាត់បង់វិជ្ជាជីវៈក្នុងពេលកំពុងបំពេញមុខនាទី។
អ្វីដែលជាការកត់សម្គាល់ចម្បងបំផុតគឺមន្ត្រីជំនួយការចាស់ (Deputy Return Officer or DRO)ត្រូវធ្វើការយ៉ាងជិតស្និតជាមួយស្មៀនរបស់ខ្លួនដើម្បីរៀបចំតុបោះឆ្នោតរបស់ខ្លួន ហិបឆ្នោត សន្លឹកឆ្នោត រាប់សន្លឹកឆ្នោត និងផ្ទៀងផ្ទាត់លទ្ធផលចុងក្រោយក្នុងដែនសីមារបស់ខ្លួនអោយត្រឹមត្រូវ ហើយរាយការណ៌លទ្ធផលទៅកាន់ប្រធានការិយាល័យបោះឆ្នោតដែលឈរជើងផ្ទាល់នៅទីនោះ ដើម្បីអោយគេអាចទូរស័ព្ទលទ្ធផលឆ្នោតភ្លាមៗទៅការិយាល័យធំ។
ដូច្នេះ ជាធម្មតា លទ្ធផលឆ្នោតគឺត្រូវបានគេប្រកាសភ្លាមៗក្រោយពីការបិទហិបឆ្នោតមិនបានដល់១ម៉ោងផង។
Political Paradigm of Pragmatism from the Khmer Youth part 44
This part (44), Mr. Sophan Seng continued to analysis the wrong direction of education reform in Cambodia. As he repeatedly referred to, education is the backbone of this nation, but this
Scene view of Cambodia Students during Exam 2015 – photo courtesy of MoEYs facebooke page.
sector has been really neglected by the government. Beside of approving less annual budget for this sector, the intermingled family and community based educational development is remained a sensitive concern.
ICT in Education Reform in Cambodia: Problems, Politics, and Policies Impacting Implementation
Op-Ed: ITI or Information and Technologies for International Development
Conclusion
Streams of politics, problems, and policies united to create the potential of an ICT in education reform in Cambodia. However, the failure to forge the political stream with the streams of problems and policies continues to hinder the mass adoption of this reform. The political stream has yet to be coupled with: the problems of stakeholders; the values of competing political coalitions; the resources available to competing goals, individuals, and policies; and the policies that support the ICT in education reform.
The present analysis has demonstrated that, as Cambodia progresses in planning and implementing the ICT in education policy, government policy makers would be advised to thoroughly plan the implementation process versus allowing implementation to be ad hoc. The current analysis indicated that to institutionalize the ICT in education reform, focus needs to be placed on the political stream. Based on the data presented above, a few conclusions and recommendations can be made for this reform’s implementation and evolution.
First, there is a need for the MoEYS to be proactive and develop an ICT in education action plan. It is understandable that the government is hesitant to commit funding and resources. However, if the government developed an inclusive, yet flexible, action plan, NGOs, IGOs, international lenders, local business, and local communities could better rise to the challenge and determine where best to put their resources and expertise. This need is linked with closely monitoring ICT in education projects to ensure all aspects of the action plan are addressed by the most competent institutions in the most efficient and effective manner possible.
Second, buttressed with the need for an action plan, is the need for the Cambodian government to pass anti-corruption legislation and thus increase the nation’s transparency. The risk of losing further aid and the possibility of paralyzing future ICT in education efforts is currently quite great. If Cambodia wants to be a global competitor, the government needs to adopt a culture of internationally accepted transparency, governance, and business ethics.
Third, the Cambodian government should distribute and support ICT infrastructure in the education system equitably and ethically in the short and long term. This infrastructure includes continued professional development of teachers, administrators, technology coordinators, and support personnel throughout the country. Internal inequality will erode social, ethical, and national ethos. To leapfrog out of a digital divide and become a global competitor, equity and social justice must be a guiding principle.
Fourth, if Cambodia is serious about an ICT in education reform, it must be willing to take daring risks. The United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (2004) found that, as early as 1993, Cambodia became the first nation to have more mobile telephones than fixed lines. Wireless technology may be a viable alternative to the existing poorly wired-telephone infrastructure. Additionally, banning technologies such as 3G phones signals that the government is not fully prepared to accept the ramifications that access to information may bring.
Fifth, the MoEYS may need to focus on grassroots and community level information and education campaigns and advocacy. This will increase local stakeholder support and increase ownership of ICT enabled education reforms. Partnering with local government units, youth organizations, NGOs, and IGOs to affect demand for such reforms from the bottom up will only increase quality, sustainability, and scalability of ICT in education projects. These acts would ideally make the political stakeholders act together to realize the needed reforms.
Lastly, lessons learned from other countries should not be overlooked by Cambodian leaders. These leaders must determine the implications of ICT in education, remain focused on the infrastructure of rural and urban communities, proactively build capacity, energetically develop indigenous language and content, remain cognizant of costs, and focus on reasonable expectations. The nation of Cambodia has experienced major trials and tribulations. From its height of power in the Angkorian era to its decline during the reign of the Khmer Rouge, the nation has experienced many successes and challenges. The challenges that exist today are not for political power, but for knowledge and innovation. Improving the education system in Cambodia to meet the future needs of a global society is perhaps the most pressing need for this nation. The present analysis has shown that ICT in education may be part of the solution, but only if the reform is implemented through a competent, responsible, and proactive approach that unites streams of policy, problems, and politics. ■
ICT = Information and Communications Technologies