This part (47), Mr. Sophan Seng has continued to analyse on the political tension between Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) and Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP). Focusing on the weak national institution or lacking of political institution for the nation, the current shape of Cambodia political landscape is remained fragile. Though, political figures ie Somdach Hun Sen and HE Sam Rainsy have jointly established “Culture of Dialogue” to avoid further dividing according to Khmer proverb said “Tide up, fish eat ant; water recess, ant eat fish”. But this new approach is not enough to bring about change, and it has been fragile as the state’s political institution basing on the “Rule of Laws” has not been established.
Question on independence of three branches: Executive, Assembly, and Court implementing in a civilized state, how does it work as Member of Parliament must serve as Minister appointed by a winning party? In practice, Canada’s Minister couldn’t monopolize power or reshuffle the Ministry at all as those technicians and expertise are remained in position protected by the Law; or whenever Minister is changed or transferred, those expertise are fully respected in the same posts. For the Minister themselves, if they got less votes among their party’s rival/candidate within their constituent, the Minister Post shall also been affected.
This is contradictory to Cambodia that Members of Parliament are bordered by province boundary which is larger than ability of each MP to oversea it. More than this, MP Candidacy is appointed by party without conducting election to be chosen within their circle at all.
This part (46), Mr. Sophan Seng continued to analyse the ongoing political tension in Cambodia between government-led party and opposition party that has affected people livelihood and foreign investments.
As mentioned previously, a strong political institution nation has never been shaken by the conflict among political parties because this conflict, in nature, aims to boost social benefits and development. However, public speech of Prime Minister of Cambodia on war and other threatening speech, without investigating from the court on his intentional public threat, is considered a violation on independent judiciary body, and this is an act of totalitarian political maneuver.
Cambodia has seen as a fragile state because of lacking legal enforcement towards wrongdoers especially among the upper echelon. Since the establishment of “Kingdom of Cambodia” through the general election sponsored by the United Nations in 1993, Cambodia has likely slip away from the overall intention: to reduce central power through empowering civil society and not-government-led political parties towards totalitarianism. Recent phenomena of political attitude maneuvered by PM Hun Sen in many occasions such as warning about war triggering if he is voted out of power, warning about retaliation of mass demonstration in Phnom Penh and it was happened including deadly violence against two members of parliament from the opposition party, and many other recorded speech etc. is a testimony of power monopoly contradictory to the intention of the United Nations.
Without strengthening the political institution through enforcing the laws by implementing impartial judiciary system, Cambodia is remained a fragile state.
This part (45), Mr. Sophan Seng dedicated his analysis towards newly changed in political landscape of Cambodia.
While the cooperation (non-confrontational or culture of dialogue) between Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) and Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) is transformed into confrontation as usual in over-night political rhetoric, the term of heated up political conflict in Cambodia has been tensely criticized. Heated up because of the changing political attitude between government-led party and opposition party has rarely happened in developed countries (both communist and democratic countries). But Cambodia has experienced exotic political culture. Whenever, there are conflicts between different political parties, Cambodian people are under fear, investors are under threat, and foreign direct investment (FDI) are under uncertainty. This phenomena is indicating that Cambodia has no political institution that belongs to the nation. Cambodia has proven herself as a fragile state of few leadership like what Aristotle pinpointed it “led by few” or “autocrats”.
In conclusion, political maturity through think tank-led leadership is imperative for Cambodia. While the CPP has been hopeless in its reform to bring back popularity among voters, the old approach of confrontation has been visually undertaken; thus the CNRP must work out harder and clearer within their points of “culture of dialogue” through workshops and workshops, conferences and conferences, to build up policy, think tank, and pragmatism etc.