April, 2019
now browsing by month
Gateless: A Story of Child Sex Abuse in Cambodia’s Temples
Gateless: A Story of Child Sex Abuse in Cambodia’s Temples
Op-Ed: Aljazeera
មានករណីចាប់រំលោភក្មេងប្រុសអាយុរវាង១២-១៣ឆ្នាំដល់ទៅជាង២០០ករណី ហើយករណីនេះជនល្មើសបំពានផ្លូវភេទទៅលើអនីតិជនដល់ទៅ១៧នាក់ តែអ្វីដែលគួរអោយខ្លាចបំផុតគឺទំលាប់លែងអវៈយវៈភេទក្មេងប្រុសត្រូវបានបកប្រែថាជាការស្រឡាញ់ទៅវិញ ហើយច្បាប់ការពារអនីតិជននិងចំណេះដឹងទូទៅចំពោះបញ្ហានេះមិនមានប្រសិទ្ធិភាពសោះឡើយ។ អាជ្ញាធរ ឳពុកម្តាយ ព្រះសង្ឃ និងគ្រូបង្រៀន មិនមានចំណេះដឹងសោះឡើយចំពោះបញ្ហានេះ នេះមិននិយាយដល់វិធានការណ៌ការពារនិងដាក់ទោសទណ្ឌដល់ជនល្មើស។ លោកនេនដែលអង្គុយជក់បារីក្បែរសិស្សតូចៗបង្ហុយផ្សែងបារីធ្វើព្រងើយ និងនៅមានមនោសញ្ចេតនាស្រឡាញ់ឳពុកធម៍ដែលចាប់រំលោភខ្លួន ក៏ដូចជាមានសង្ឃដីការថាទង្វើនេះមិនមានអ្វីខុសនឹងច្បាប់ព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនានោះ គឺជាកម្មវត្ថុជាក់ស្តែងដែលព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនាខ្មែរកំពុងប្រឈមនាពេលបច្ចុប្បន្ន។
កម្ពុជាធ្វើដំណើរ៣០ឆ្នាំនេះគ្រាន់តែដើម្បីអោយអ្នកនយោបាយដឹកនាំបែបប្រជាភិថុតិបន្តភូតភរនិងឆ្លុះបញ្ចាំងពីអំពើសាហាវយង់ឃ្នងរបស់ខ្មែរក្រហមតែប៉ុណ្ណោះ ដូចដែលម្តាយរបស់ជនរងគ្រោះនិយាយថាសម័យខ្មែរក្រហមគឺបង្អត់បាយនិងកាប់សម្លាប់(killing) សម័យសព្វថ្ងៃគឺអោយយើងបិទមាត់ស្ងៀមស្ងាត់សន្សំសុខ(silence)។
A young man seeks justice after being abused in a Buddhist temple in Cambodia.
15 Apr 2019 06:20 GMT Child rights, Cambodia, Abuse, Buddhism, Human Rights
Two young men sit under the shade of trees in Takeo, Cambodia; Se Bros wears a button-up shirt and jeans and Monk Ry wears his deep orange garb.
“Did he ever touch you?” Bros asks over the steady drone of insects, but Ry remains silent.
“I believe he has done something like this to a lot of other children. It’s you, me, and other children,” Bros says.
In Cambodia, Buddhist temples are regarded as places of refuge and rehabilitation for the community, but for Bros it was the site of his sexual abuse as a child.
The perpetrator was Saravuth Tan, a Cambodian-American who investigators would later find had abused at least 17 young boys sometime during his 14 years’ living at the temple.
Soon Bros will be testifying against Tan, who he says raped him dozens of times.
“I used to feel ashamed, lost all confidence, I lost focus in my studies, and lost time,” says Bros. “Sometimes I felt physically sick because he used to do something bad to me.”
But for Monk Ry, Tan was his beloved godfather, someone who cared for him after he escaped his abusive family and became homeless. Tan provided him with food, a home and anything else he needed.
“He loved me as if I am his own child,” Ry says. “I don’t know where I’d be right now if he hadn’t adopted me, maybe not where I am right now.”
More than 200 cases of sexual abuse in Buddhist temples have been reported worldwide in the last decade. An increasing number of temple abuse incidents have been reported in Southeast Asia but experts believe most cases remain hidden.
According to Socheat Nong, a child social worker, the problem of sexual abuse in Cambodia is a silent one.
“In general, people in Cambodia don’t believe or accept the fact that sexual abuse happens to boys,” he says. “Even those who work with children, including counsellors and social workers, know very little about how to help boys who have been abused.”
Young monks perform their daily prayers and chants in the temple [Screengrab/Al Jazeera]
As the Tan investigation unfolds, a more unsettling truth comes out: a chief monk says that the monks at the temple knew about the problem all along.
Gateless follows two young survivors reckoning with their pasts, and what happens when child abuse is treated with a blind eye.
____________________________________________________________________________________
FILMMAKER’S VIEW
By Lorraine Ma
I first went to Cambodia in 2013 with a filmmaker and personal mentor to shoot a documentary on child sex trafficking. After the trip, the filmmaker discovered she had cancer, and her health deteriorated rapidly over the next three years. In 2016, before she passed away, she reached out to ask if I would pick up her unfinished project. I agreed to do so, but I did not have a plan as to how it would happen.
Read More …How China changed Sihanoukville
How China changed Sihanoukville
តាមអត្ថបទនេះ គម្រោងមហិច្ចិតាគំនិតផ្តួចផ្តើមផ្លូវសូត្រ(BRI)របស់ចិន កម្ចីគឺមានលក្ខណៈជាកិច្ចសន្យាគ្មានការស្មោះត្រង់(opaque contracts) អត្រាការប្រាក់ខ្ពស់ហួសហេតុ(exorbitant interest rates) ការផ្តល់កម្ចីដោយយកប្រៀបខ្លាំងលើម្ចាស់បំណុល(predatory loan practices) និងការឃុបឃិតគ្នាដោយអំពើពុករលួយ(corrupt deals)។ ជាលទ្ធផល ប្រទេសក្រីក្រជាច្រើននិងទន់ខ្សោយខាងស្ថាប័នល្អ(weak states and weak governance countries) មានបំណុលវ័ណកររើខ្លួនមិនរួមរហូតយល់ព្រមធ្វើសម្បទាលក់ឬប្រគល់ដីធ្លីក៏ដូចជាសម្បត្តិដាក់ចំណាំប្រកាន់ទៅអោយចិនទាំងដុលតែម្តង។ ចំណែកទេសចរណ៌និងវិនិយោគិនចិនវិញ និយមប្រើប្រាស់តែក្រុមហ៊ុនចិន សម្ភារៈចិន និងកម្មករចិន ដើម្បីទាក់ទាញយកលុយនោះទៅផ្តល់ផលប្រយោជន៌អោយចិនវិញ ទុកអោយប្រជាជនអ្នកមូលដ្ឋាននិងម្ចាស់ប្រទេសត្រដររស់តាមសម្មាអាជីវោខ្វះខាតដដែល។ គ្រាន់តែដើម៦ខែនៃឆ្នាំ២០១៨នេះ ជនប្រព្រឹត្តបទអាជ្ញាកម្មចិនដែលប៉ូលីសខ្មែរចាប់បានមានដល់៦៨ភាគរយនៃការចាប់សរុបទាំងអស់ទូទាំងប្រទេស។
Op-Ed: The ASEAN Post Team, 13 April 2019
Sihanoukville used to be a sleepy coastal town in south Cambodia. Its beaches were known for their quiet, cosy – albeit a little seedy – atmosphere that attracted mostly families, individual travellers and backpackers. Aside from the goings-on of the tourists and those connected with the country’s sole deep-water port, nothing much had changed over the years. That was until the Chinese investment flooded in as a result of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
Cambodians Lose, As China Tourists And Cash Pour In
Fast forward to 2019 and the once-tranquil city has been transformed beyond recognition. Now an enclave of Chinese investment, Sihanoukville is peppered with Chinese-run, operated and patronised hotels, apartments towers, restaurants and gambling dens. The area is dotted with Chinatowns, festooned with neon signs in Mandarin which have taken the place of Khmer and English language signs.
The magnitude and make-up of its tourists has also changed with the new influx. Tourism increased more than 700 percent between 2012 to 2017, with Chinese tourists accounting for one-third of the 6.2 million visitors Cambodia received last year. Officials estimate that Chinese nationals make up some 90 percent of the expatriate population in Sihanoukville. A number of the long-term Western tourists living in the city have either been pushed or kicked out to make way for better paying Chinese. Some have moved out to avoid the area because of the loss of tranquillity.
Within the BRI framework, Sihanoukville is known as the first port of call on China’s massive infrastructure programme. The area, previously known as Kampong Som before it was renamed after former king Norodom Sihanouk, received US$4.2 billion in Chinese investment for power plants and offshore oil operations.
Beyond Sihanoukville, with the strong support of Prime Minister Hun Sen, the BRI has spread Chinese investment further inland into the kingdom. Cambodia is a key beneficiary of infrastructure projects under China’s trillion-dollar BRI, and this includes financing for new highways, national roads, power plants, airports, and special economic zones (SEZs) dedicated to technology innovations. China has also bequeathed US$100 million in aid to help modernise Cambodia’s military.
Chinese investment and related discontent
With the massive influx of Chinese investments, loans and aid, many have cautioned Cambodia on China’s debt-trap diplomacy. The Chinese loan model, often characterised by opaque contracts, exorbitant interest rates, predatory loan practices, and corrupt deals, has left smaller countries further debt ridden and in danger of losing their sovereignty.
The China Road and Bridge started construction of the country’s first highway last month, a US$2 billion four-lane road linking Sihanoukville and Phnom Penh. The growing dependence on China has led Hun Sen to insist that Cambodia is not a colony of China – going on to rubbish rumours that China plans to set up a naval base in the South China Sea, a strategic area which has long been an issue of contention between China and some ASEAN member nations.
Read More …The Rising Cost of Strongman Rule in Cambodia
The Rising Cost of Strongman Rule in Cambodia
Op-Ed: Project Syndicate
Apr 12, 2019 SAM RAINSY
Despite boasting unrivaled tourist attractions, large stores of natural resources that could be profitably and responsibly exploited, and one of the world’s youngest labor forces the country’s economy is floundering. And, after 34 years of Prime Minister Hun Sen’s dictatorial rule, Cambodians could soon be facing a higher price.
PARIS – On April 4, a group of international buyers’ associations from the garment, footwear, sporting, and travel goods industries sent a letter to Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen to express concerns over abusive labor practices and human-rights violations. Already, Cambodia’s tax-free access to the vast European Union market, granted under the EU’s Everything But Armsscheme, is in danger of being suspended over such violations.If the country is excluded permanently from EBA and other preferential trading arrangements, the associations warned, their sectors – and the Cambodian economy – will take a serious hit.
Hun Sen claims that the international community is unfairly singling out Cambodia. But the truth is that intensifying pressure on the country is consistent with a broader global shift, in which investment is increasingly guided – even dictated – by environmental, social, and governance (ESG) factors.
Cambodia’s descent into dictatorship under the Hun Sen regime | Four Corners
Gone are the days when strong ESG performance was a nice bonus for investors. Pension trustees and fund managers now insist that the companies in which they invest operate in ethical, transparent ways that limit reputational risk. Investment decisions at emerging-market funds are thus increasingly preceded by rigorous ESG screenings – screenings that, after 34 years of Hun Sen’s dictatorial rule, Cambodia has no chance of passing.
Read More …Scare tactics won’t work with Hun Sen
Op-Ed: Bangkok Post, Scare tactics won’t work with Hun Sen
- 6 Mar 2019 at 04:18
- WRITER: SEK SOPHAL
Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen speaks during a ceremony in Phnom Penh on Jan 14, where he said he would ‘step on the throat’ of his rivals if the EU ends preferential trading with the country. (AFP photo)
After six months of close monitoring and engaging with the Cambodian government, the European Union (EU) found that Cambodia has made very little tangible progress in complying with the EU’s demands that it reinstate democratic checks-and-balances, respect human rights and the independence of the media, and drop charges against members of the opposition party.
As a result, the EU on Feb 11 began the process to temporarily strip Cambodia of its Everything-but-Arms (EBA) status, which gives it a preferential, tariff-free channel to export all of its products — except for weapons — to the EU.
On the surface, it may seem as if the EU is trying to hurt Cambodia’s economy. However, the objective behind the use of such a “threat” is to force Hun Sen and the executives of the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) — many of whom are running lucrative businesses across the country — to soften its stance and comply with the EU’s conditions.
Unfortunately, this sort of coercive diplomacy may not yield results.
Hun Sen is still consolidating his grip over the CPP, and any attempt to challenge his position in the party is virtually impossible. After Chea Sim, the former chairman of the CPP passed away in 2015, he took over the party helm and became its chief.
After he took up the position, Hun Sen has been strengthening his faction by promoting his close allies and relatives to the party’s central and permanent committees. During the CPP’s General Assembly last December, for instance, the premier promoted two of his sons — General Hun Manet, the Commander of the Royal Cambodian Armed Forces, and MP Hun Many — to the party’s permanent committee, along with several other senior military officials.
While it is true that Hun Sen has yet to fully bring the the CPP under his control — there are other political factions that are loyal to other CPP elites, including Interior Minister Sar Kheng and National Assembly President Heng Samring — his firm control over the military and civil sectors means his opponents within the CPP have very little chance of challenging his dominance.
As such, the EU’s use of a threat to indirectly pressure Hun Sen into compliance might not be practical after all.
Read More …