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កិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសន្តិភាពទីក្រុងប៉ារីសនិងការស្លាប់នៃលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យអាណត្តិទី៦នេះ
Op-Ed: The CEROC
កិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសន្តិភាពទីក្រុងប៉ារីសនិងការស្លាប់នៃលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យអាណត្តិទី៦នេះ
Mr. Kemsrean Kheng, The CEROC’s Representative for State of Minnesota, USA
ខ្ញុំបាទខេង គិមស្រ៊ាន ថ្ងៃនេះមានកិត្តិយសតាងនាមអោយគណៈកម្មការដើម្បីសិទ្ធិបោះឆ្នោតរបស់ពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅក្រៅប្រទេសឬដែលហៅកាត់ថាដឺស៊ីរ៉ក់ក៏ដូចជាលោកសេង សុភ័ណដែលជាប្រធាន មកជាវាគ្មិនក្នុងមហាសន្និបាតខ្មែរពិភពលោកលើកទីពីរនៅរដ្ឋមិននីសូតានេះ។
បងប្អូនជនរួមជាតិជាទីគោរពរាប់អាន ពិភពលោកបានចេញចាកផុតពីយុគសង្រ្គាមត្រជាក់ឈានចូលយុគបច្ចុប្បន្ន ហើយកម្ពុជាដ៏អភ័ព មួយនេះបានស្គាល់ពន្លឺប្រជាធិបតេយ្យខ្លះក្រោមការជ្រោមជ្រែងរបស់អង្គការសហប្រជាជាតិអោយមានការបោះឆ្នោតនៅឆ្នាំ១៩៩៣ទៅតាមកិច្ចសន្យា នៃកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសន្តិភាពទីក្រុងប៉ារីស២៣ តុលា ១៩៩១។ កាលនោះ ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅក្រៅប្រទេសបានមានសិទ្ធិចូលរួមបោះឆ្នោតយ៉ាងពេញ លេញ តែក្រោយៗមកក្រោមការដឹកនាំនៃគណៈកម្មការជាតិរៀបចំការបោះឆ្នោតឬគជប ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅក្រៅប្រទេសមិនត្រូវបានគេផ្តល់សិទ្ធិ អោយចូលរួមបោះឆ្នោតឡើយ។ ចាប់កំណើតកាលពីឆ្នាំ២០១៤ ស៊ីរ៉ក់បានធ្វើកិច្ចការជាច្រើនក្នុងការធ្វើយុទ្ធនាការប្រមូលញត្តិពីបងប្អូនយើងនៅក្រៅ ប្រទេសទាំងអស់ ក្នុងនោះក៏មានបងប្អូនយើងជាច្រើននៅរដ្ឋមីននីសូតាបានចូលរួមចុះហត្ថលេខា ហើយយើងខ្ញុំសូមថ្លែងអំណរគុណយ៉ាងជ្រាល ជ្រៅនៅទីនេះ, យើងបានជួបពិភាក្សាជាមួយគជបថ្មីមានលោកគួយ ប៊ុនរឿន លោករ៉ុង ឈុនជាដើម ហើយយើងបានសរសេរលិខិតទៅកាន់ប្រធានក្រុម តំណាងរាស្ត្រគណបក្សសំលេងភាគតិចគឺលោកស៊ុន-ឆ័យនៃគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ។ ពង្រាងច្បាប់មួយបានកើតឡើងដាក់ចូលសភាដើម្បីធ្វើវិសោធ នកម្មតូចមួយដែលអាចអោយពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅក្រៅប្រទេសអាចមានសិទ្ធិបោះឆ្នោតបាន។ តែជាអកុសល ក្រោមការដឹកនាំរបស់លោកហ៊ុន-សែន មិនមែនតែពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅក្រៅប្រទេសទេដែលត្រូវបានគេផាត់ចោលនិងព្រងើយកន្តើយ ពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅក្នុងប្រទេសក៏ត្រូវបានគេលាបព៌ណនិងធ្វើទុក្ខបុកម្នេញគ្រប់បែបយ៉ាងដោយគ្រាន់តែពួកគេមាននិន្នការគាំទ្រគណបក្សជំទាស់ឬនិន្នាការកណ្តាលដូចជាក្រុមសង្គមស៊ីវិល។
មកដល់ថ្ងៃនេះគឺ២៧ឆ្នាំហើយក្រោយកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសន្តិភាពទីក្រុងប៉ារីស ដែលប្រទេសកម្ពុជាក្រោមការដឹកនាំរបស់លោកហ៊ុន-សែន បានបំផ្លាញចោលលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យសេរីពហុបក្សចោលដោយសារតែមើលឃើញថាគណបក្សជំទាស់គឺគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិអាចមានប្រជាពល- រដ្ឋគាំទ្រច្រើនជាងខ្លួនបើទុកអោយមានការប្រកួតប្រជែងការបោះឆ្នោតមួយដោយសុក្រឹតត្រឹមត្រូវនិងយុត្តិធម៌។ ការបោះឆ្នោតថ្ងៃ២៩ កក្កដា ២០១៨ គឺជាឆាកល្ងោនប្រជាភិថុតបោកប្រាស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរថាមានពហុបក្សតែប៉ុណ្ណោះ។ តែតាមការពិតប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនិងសហគមន៍អន្តរជាតិមិនអាច ទទួលយកបាននូវរបបដឹកនាំបែបឯកបក្សនិងផ្តាច់ការនេះបានទេ។ ក្រោមការជួយជ្រោមជ្រែងពីសហគមន៍អន្តរជាតិជាពិសេសប្រទេសហត្ថលេខីនៃ កិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសន្តិភាពទីក្រុងប៉ារីស ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរទាំងក្នុងប្រទេសនិងក្រៅប្រទេសប្តេជ្ញាប្តូរប្តាច់អោយមានការបោះឆ្នោតឡើងវិញ មានការចូល រួមពីគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ មានការដោះលែងលោកកឹម-សុខានិងអ្នកទោសនយោបាយទាំងអស់ ទុកជាមោឃៈនូវច្បាប់ទាំងឡាយណាដែលផ្ទុយ ពីរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ និងអនុវត្តន៍ជាក់ស្តែងតាមរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញដើម្បីអោយតុលាការឯករាជ្យ ពង្រឹងសមត្ថភាពស្ថាប័នព្រះមហាក្សត្រ មន្ត្រីរាជការទាំង ស៊ីវិលនិងកងប្រដាប់អាវុធត្រូវតែអព្យាក្រិត-ឯករាជ្យជាដើម។ សូមអរគុណជាអនេកកប្បការ! ថ្ងៃទី៤ ខែសីហា ២០១៨
View the speech through Youtube Channel of Cambodians Overseas
Sovantha and Rozeth: Two opposite sides of the same Cambodian coinNew Content Item
Additional analysis on youtube on this very essential issue of Cambodian youths and the Upcoming Election
Sovantha and Rozeth: Two opposite sides of the same Cambodian coin
Op-Ed: ChannelNewsAsia.Com
PHNOM PENH: They are two young women full of hopes for their nation: High profile, energetic and not afraid to speak their mind.
They are also two opposite sides of the same coin.
Thy Sovantha and Sin Rozeth have perhaps far bigger profiles than their respective career achievements so far might suggest.
Sovantha is a social media juggernaut – a hugely influential but controversial political maven, a turncoat for some, who rallies in the name of the ruling party.
Rozeth defied expectations as a fresh and unversed opposition candidate swept into a most unlikely rule and then cut down in the purge of the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) last year.
But it is not what they have done so far that counts. It is their potential to inspire in a country deeply divided.
The power of new youthful voices has never been realised under a strong armed-government installed since 1985. The old and forceful hands of the kingdom have a finite shelflife.
And on both sides of politics, Sovantha and Rozeth are the faces of an awakening new generation.
TRANSFORMING SOVANTHA
On a daily basis during this election campaigning period, Thy Sovantha’s 2.2 million Facebook followers have been treated to her vote-garnering activities, mostly in rural provinces.
Amid an array of fashionable outfits, she is also often adorned in ruling party colours. But the 23-year-old was once the darling of the nation’s opposition.
Just five years ago, as the importance of social media on the political environment began to be understood, the vision of the then teenager standing through the sunroof of her Lexus demanding Prime Minister Hun Sen’s defeat at the polls was a revelation.
Now, she shares old photographs and contemporary speeches of the leader she respectfully calls “Grandpa”.
“Samdech (Hun Sen) used to say that he used to see my Facebook. Even when I used to criticise him, he still clicked ‘Like’ for me. So, it meant that Samdech accepted some of my points,” she said.
Her transformation from a radical revolutionary to one of the government’s sharpest weapons was a dramatic, if not murky, one, involving allegations of spying, betrayal and epiphany.
She admits she was naive, clouded by desire to see change and made mistakes back then. Sovantha was a self-described “ordinary girl” with no political connections wading out into a toxic and dangerous tide.
“We wanted to change. We wanted to change leaders. We wanted to change the country. But at that time, I didn’t understand,” she told Channel NewsAsia, sitting in the expansive chamber of the National Library in Phnom Penh.
In 2018, she is unwavering in her passion for a new and improved Cambodia, just under the same management as the last three decades.
“I am very proud that I was a youth who criticised the government. I made mistakes. But the government understood my mind and my heart and gave me a chance to participate in developing the society,” she said.
“Now, I still want change but I understand the way.”
She strongly argues that reform can best be delivered from a position of strength, not through struggle and believes that the government has already begin “cutting out the bad flesh”.
She has little sympathy for forgotten friends and speaks with venomous conviction about the “dangerous” characteristics of the opposition movement she once belonged to and in particular exiled former opposition leader Sam Rainsy, who continues to call for a boycott of the July 29 election.
“I think it is dangerous by creating an idea of division among the people. If no CNRP, then nothing at all. It is a kind of nepotism and violent and individualism.”
ROZETH’S RESISTANCE
Some 300km from the capital, in the comparatively quiescent town of Battambang, Sin Rozeth continues to uphold the democratic ideals of Rainsy. While he may be yesterday’s man in the struggle to overhaul Hun Sen, Rozeth has the potential to be tomorrow’s woman.
Officially, she is just a restaurateur and online entrepreneur these days, but her three short months as commune chief of her local district made an impression.
She was cornered, coerced and offered the chance to stay in the seat by defecting to the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) when her party was legally dismantled. When she refused to switch sides, leading authorities might have hoped she would switch off.
While her colleagues and contemporaries have been silenced, Rozeth remains a brave front of resistance.
“Sometime, we know how to protect children and wives and our families, our small families,” she said. “But when our big family is suffering, why don’t we come out to protect it?
“I think that if I am born with eyes to see and born with a mouth, but I close my mouth, it is meaningless to live. It means I am living but waiting for death. So, no, I have to speak out.
“Our life is not immortal, but what is immortal is our homeland.”
Amid a climate of fear and ongoing threats, Rozeth’s courage has formed through necessity. But political intimidation is just the latest stanza of a brave life that was steeled and strengthened when she was seven or eight years old.
“I knew how to sell pineapple alone on the train. I could go to sell black beetles at a concert at midnight and when my mother went to join meetings in Phnom Penh, I could sleep alone in a straw house without walls at a young age, with just a kerosene lamp.
“I put a knife under my pillow in case any wanted to abuse or mistreat me. I can protect myself.”
A WOMAN’S PLACE
Both of these young women’s rise to prominence defies the lingering notion in Cambodia that public life is a man’s game. Both have fought the prejudices and antiquated customs to stake their place in what remains a patriarchal society.
They may disagree on how the country should advance and who should lead it, but both see women at the forefront of the discussion.
“I think it is unfair. We are the same. We are human beings. We must be equal. I have my mind, very strong, so I can do everything,” Sovatha said.
“They are afraid of facing danger at the moment because there are threats, imprisonment and because of all means of intimidation. All these factors are making our women feel hesitant,” Rozeth said.
“If we intend to participate in developing the country, we have to be self-confident. Then, we take the chance.”
They are nothing alike. One, the immaculate polish on the facade of an oft-reviled regime, the other a bespectacled champion of the hushed underdog.
One will vote with certainty on Sunday, the other will boycott holding her clean finger in the air without fear. And both know the realities of the outcome, decided many months ago when the CNRP was banished.
The country is unlikely to be much different next week, but both Sovantha and Rozeth will take their places in fighting for their visions for Cambodia.
Down the line, eventually, when the youth stand up and take their place steering this country’s future, they may not be so different after all.
Read more at https://www.channelnewsasia.com/news/asia/sovantha-and-rozeth-cambodian-election-opposition-10562820
Hun Sen has become staunch puppet of both China and Vietnam
This analysis, Mr. Sophan emphasized on drifting authoritarian of staunch puppet to both China and Vietnam of Prime Minister Hun Sen in which has possessed deadly side-effect like what was happening during the leadership of Pol Pot (1975-1979). Watching the full analysis in youtube.
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Nobody’s Puppet
Prime Minister Hun Sen told an American filmmaker he is a patriot who resists any foreign influences, despite allegations to the contrary from Cambodia’s opposition and analysts.
The entrance to Kratie University flanked with Chinese and Cambodian flags in a photo posted on Facebook last week.
PHNOM PENH, CAMBODIA Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen addresses the politically divisive issue of his historic links with the Communist Party of Vietnam by saying he has never been a “puppet” of Hanoi but is a patriot who always resisted foreign influence on Cambodia.
“A number of people claim I am a person who was installed by Vietnam; they also said I am a puppet of Vietnam,” Hun Sen said in unreleased video footage of an interview with American filmmaker Robert Lieberman for his documentary “Angkor Awakens.”
Hun Sen denied the allegations in the interview.
About this series
This is the first of a multi-part series, based on a rare video interview with Hun Sen by American filmmaker Robert Lieberman for his 2016 documentary “Angkor Awakens.”
“The reality is that Hun Sen belongs to Cambodia [and] Cambodia needs independence,” the prime minister said. “I also hate those who want to have political influence on Cambodia – we don’t accept it.”
Lieberman conducted the September 24, 2015 interview in a New York hotel. VOA recently obtained the interview from the filmmaker.
For decades, the opposition – the once-formidable royalist party FUNCINPEC, former opposition leader Sam Rainsy, and the now-dissolved Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) – have clung to this and other claims in order to undermine Hun Sen’s image and to tap into lingering anti-Vietnamese nationalism in Cambodia.
Many older opposition members come from an alliance of political groups led by then-Prince Norodom Sihanouk that was based on the Thai-Cambodian border. The alliance battled Vietnam during its occupation of Cambodia from 1978, the final days of the Khmer Rougeregime, to 1989.
Campaigning for Cambodia’s July 29 elections started July 7, but with the Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) government’s decision to ban its only challenger, the CNRP, last year, the role of anti-Vietnamese politics has become somewhat of a moot point.
Hun Sen has mostly ignored the opposition’s accusations that he is a stooge of Hanoi while never hiding his good relations with Vietnam. These go back to 1977 when he and other Khmer Rouge defectors crossed into Vietnam. They were welcomed and trained to form a new Cambodian government that was installed by Vietnam after it ousted the Khmer Rouge regime in January 1979.
Hun Sen became foreign minister and then prime minister in 1985. He has held onto power since with political maneuvering that has won him democratic elections and by crushing opponents with brazen armed force.
FILE – Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, center right, and his Vietnamese counterpart Nguyen Xuan Phuc, review an honor guard in Hanoi, on Dec. 20, 2016. (Tran Van Minh | AP)
Vietnam backs, not controls, Hun Sen rule
According to a recent publication by Stephen Heder, a respected Cambodia scholar, Hun Sen’s CPP and the Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) have long had a “comprehensive relationship” in which they strongly support each other and defend their respective roles from any political challenges.
Hun Sen’s recent banning of the opposition and ongoing crackdown on independent media and civil society would thus have Hanoi’s support, he argues, though that doesn’t mean that Vietnam dominates in Cambodia.
“[K]eeping the CNRP out of power, if necessary by eliminating it from the contest for power, is a strongly shared CPP-CPV common interest that lies at the core of their comprehensive relationship and is most concretely manifest in the relationship between their security forces,” wrote Heder, a research associate at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London. “However, this and other CPP-CPV common interests do not add up to Vietnamese domination of Cambodia, as is shown, inter alia, by Cambodia’s refusal to toe Vietnam’s line on the South China Sea,” according to Heder.
In recent years, Hun Sen’s ever tightening embrace with China has been a point of growing media and diplomatic attention. Beijing has provided support and massive loans for his government as it abandoned Western-backed multiparty democracy, while Hun Sen in turn gives diplomatic support for China’s quest for dominance in the South China Sea region.
Demonstrators set fire to a monument marking Cambodian-Vietnamese friendship in Phnom Penh August 30, 1998. (Reuters)
Cambodia’s relations with Western countries have suffered since 2017, with cuts in donor support and the U.S. recently slapping sanctions on some Cambodian officials. In 2017 alone, China accounted for 30 percent of all investment in China, according to The Asean Post.
Ear Sophal, an associate professor at Los Angeles’ Occidental College who has researched Cambodia’s aid dependency and China’s global resource demand, said Hun Sen’s claim of resisting foreign influence was dispelled by the fact that Vietnam and, more recently, China gained control of large swathes of Cambodia’s natural resources, infrastructure and economy at the expense of ordinary Cambodians.
“Cambodia is now seen as having been for rent for a long time,” he said. “The renter is currently China. Perhaps we can say Vietnam owns Cambodia, while China rents Cambodia from Vietnam.”
Sophal added, “But [Hun Sen] does need more friends than only Vietnam and China – he needs to have Western friends too.”
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Cambodian people benefit from CPP’s policies
Malaysia’s Election and Impacts on Democracy and Geopolitics in Southeast Asia
Op-Ed: The CEROC
Two things to be considerate on the recent election in Malaysia: the overseas Malaysians voters and the national institution.
Malaysian Election Commission is appointed by the King of Malaysia to conduct nationwide election. This election of May 9, 2018, 14 millions were registered to vote and 82% voter turnout. There are 7,979 Malaysian voters overseas according to the EC. Malaysia has allowed overseas citizens to vote since 2012 except in Singapore, southern Thailand, Kalimantan and Brunei. In Southeast Asia, Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, Myanmar, Philippines, and Singapore, have allowed overseas citizens to democratically vote during national elections.
Malaysia is Constitutional Monarchy like Cambodia. The King is the Head of State who exercises power through the provision of constitution to ensure rights and freedoms, commander-in-chief of the national arm-force, and chief of magistracy to ensure judiciary system is capable and competent.
លទ្ធផលនៃការបោះឆ្នោតនៅប្រទេសម៉ាឡេស៊ីកាលពីថ្ងៃទី៩ ខែឧសភាកន្លងទៅនេះ បានធ្វើឲ្យមានការភ្ញាក់ផ្អើលច្រើន ដោយសម្ព័ន្ធភាពនៃគណបក្សប្រឆាំងបានយកឈ្នះគណបក្សកាន់អំណាចជាលើកដំបូងក្នុងរយៈពេលជាង៦០ឆ្នាំ។ ការណ៍នេះមានឡើងស្របពេលដែលនិន្នាការនៃលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យបានថយចុះនៅបណ្តាប្រទេសផ្សេងទៀតនៅក្នុងតំបន់អាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍។ អ្នកតាមដានការបោះឆ្នោតពីររូបគឺលោក យឿង សុធារ៉ា អ្នកជំនាញខាងកិច្ចការបោះឆ្នោត និងលោក សេង សុភ័ណ នាយកប្រតិបត្តិនៃប្រធានគណៈកម្មាធិការដើម្បីសិទ្ធិបោះឆ្នោតរបស់ពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅក្រៅប្រទេស (CEROC) ថ្លែងថា ប្រទេសកម្ពុជានិងប្រទេសអាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍ផ្សេងៗអាចរៀនសូត្របានច្រើនអំពីដំណើរការបោះឆ្នោតឯករាជ្យនៅប្រទេសម៉ាឡេស៊ី សិទ្ធិបោះឆ្នោតនៅក្រៅប្រទេសរបស់ពលរដ្ឋម៉ាឡេស៊ី ការផ្ទេរអំណាចដោយសន្តិភាពទៅកាន់រដ្ឋាភិបាលថ្មី និងការធ្វើតុល្យភាពនយោបាយការបរទេសក្នុងទំនាក់ទំនងជាមួយប្រទេសចិន។ (សឹង សុផាត, Hello VOA, វ៉ាស៊ីនតោន, ៧ មិថុនា ២០១៨)