now browsing by category

Posted by: | Posted on: April 7, 2018




The experiment in democracy that is modern Cambodia seems to have hit a bump in the road. Actually, if Cambodian democracy were a car, it would be in a rice-field ditch and the villagers (and international observers) smelling smoke. Twenty-five years after the United Nations Transitional Authority ended its stewardship of the country, and despite having a new constitution, years of relatively free elections and billions of dollars in foreign aid, residents are effectively living under single-party rule. The question on people’s minds is what comes next — a tow truck or an explosion.

One interested observer is Sin Rozeth. The 34-year-old former commune chief and once rising political star was given the same choice as other members of the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party: defect to another party (preferably the ruling Cambodian People’s Party) or get out of politics. Rozeth chose the latter — she opened a dumpling restaurant in her old stomping grounds after the CNRP was forcibly dissolved in November — while looking for a way forward in the face of Cambodia’s increasingly totalitarian environment.


Sin Rozeth is among those stars of 2007 elect-commune councils who have been speaking the language of bottom line people of Cambodia. They are working as the underdogs to reflect and reduce the autocrats and their children of family elites. Like Rozeth, other young politicians such as Chin Sok Ngeng (Siem Reap) Mao Phally (Kampong Chhnang) Siek Chamnab (Siem Reap), just mention a few, they are the future leader, the catalyst of change, and the agent of change, for Cambodia.

Sin Rozeth is among those stars of 2007 elect-commune councils who have been speaking the language of bottom line people of Cambodia. They are working as the underdogs to reflect and reduce the autocrats and the children of family elites. Like Rozeth, other young politicians such as Chin Sok Ngeng (Siem Reap),
Mao Phally (Kampong Chhnang),
Siek Chamnab (Siem Reap), just mention a few, they are the future leader, the catalyst of change, and the agent of change, for Cambodia.

Rozeth opened a restaurant to support her mother, and to make up for the loss of her meager public salary. But her accusers say it’s a front for illegal political activities. “If this restaurant is used as a place to gather fire, it is really dangerous for Rozeth and it should not be tolerated,” Chheang Vun, a ruling party lawmaker, posted on Facebook. In response to claims that she’s harboring “rebels,” Rozeth hung a banner outside: “Rozeth’s shop welcomes all guests, but not rebels.” The tongue-in-cheek gesture earned her a reprimand by the city governor, who warned that using such language could damage the kingdom’s reputation. Rozeth says she feels threatened by the ongoing harassment, and a group of former CNRP members sent letters to several international bodies, including the United Nations Human Rights Committee, seeking help in pressuring the government to stop the “bullying.”

In the short term, at least, one-party rule will continue in Cambodia, says Sophal Ear, professor of diplomacy and world affairs at Occidental College. And mounting new opposition will be difficult. ”It’s like razing an old grove forest,” he explains. “You’re not going to get 100-year-old trees. You’ll have young trees, and they’ll be easy to bulldoze if they get too strong.” National elections are scheduled for this summer, and it’s unclear whether CNRP’s former supporters will turn toward another party or abstain from voting, says Sinthay Neb, director of the Advocacy and Policy Institute in Phnom Penh. Whatever happens, he believes the best way forward is for both sides to meet and work together — however unlikely.

For now, Rozeth refuses to give up: “As long as one still has breath, there is still hope for democracy.” She stays busy traveling to villages to perform charity work (this too, she says, is closely monitored). And she helps people who come to her shop, even if it’s only for a good meal.

Before I leave the noodle shop — which has filled with the evening crowd — I take a few photographs of the owner. Other patrons notice and pull out their phones. Seems they all want a selfie with the politician turned restaurateur now under fire.

Continue to read this whole article at OZY…

Posted by: | Posted on: April 6, 2018

Cambodia clampdown was long in the planning

“When ‘color revolution’ requires 132 pages to explain and defend as the basis of anything, someone’s working overtime to turn it into an excuse or ploy to crack down on the opposition, NGOs, the media and government critics,” said Sophal Ear, an associate professor of diplomacy and world affairs at Occidental College in Los Angeles. “The metaphorical hammer is being used on their heads.”

Hun Manith, the second Hun Sen's Son and Military Intelligence Head is believed the instigator of creating "colour revolution" narrative to dissolve opposition aiming to win election that has no legitimacy. The colour revolution narrative is an excuse to maintain Hun Sen power in one-party state which is contradictory to the national Constitution.

Hun Manith, the second Hun Sen’s Son and Military Intelligence Head is believed the instigator of creating “colour revolution” narrative to dissolve opposition aiming to win election that has no legitimacy. The colour revolution narrative is an excuse to maintain Hun Sen power in one-party state which is contradictory to the national Constitution.

There was also the matter of a June 2017 local level commune elections that had the potential to build electoral momentum for the CNRP ahead of the national polls. The CNRP gained a strong foothold in the countryside, winning 5,000 seats. However, those and national level seats won in 2013 were given to smaller parties after the CNRP’s dissolution.

Hun Manith saw the commune elections as a potential springboard for an opposition uprising. “As you might be aware, this kind of regime change took place near and after an election, and Cambodia will have a commune election in 2017. Is it a coincidence?” he said in the 2016 interview.

“In order to succeed in mobilizing the people for regime change, they need to create a negative perception about the government, for locals and also in the international arena. Once the perspective succeeds, all the means and tactics for regime change will be justified.”

The CPP’s propaganda apparatus, including most notably the pro-government Fresh News outlet, was later mobilized to convince a skeptical public and an even more skeptical international audience that its moves against the opposition were warranted.

The Phnom Penh Post reported in March that Fresh News released a 700-page collection of open letters, commentary and political analysis spinning Cambodia’s recent political crackdown into a successful prevention of a color revolution.

Former Phnom Penh Post News Editor Sebastian Strangio, also the author of Hun Sen’s Cambodia, said Fresh News’ role was perhaps more important in shaping the news than it was in delivering it, saying “They don’t really do journalism.”

However, while the average Cambodian struggled to understand exactly what a color revolution was, Los Angeles-based academic and political analyst Sophal was under no illusions.

“The Cambodian people understand the term ‘color revolution’ insofar as it’s being used as a hammer swung on their friends’ heads, which is a whack-a-mole exercise that is more likely to result in their own heads being hit,” he told Asia Times.

“Some people are of course absorbing this and drinking the Kool Aid, but there’s also a sense that anything Fresh News and Khmer Times (newspaper) says is bad is actually good, and anything they say is good is actually bad.

“I never cease to be amazed at how smart Cambodians are at seeing through the fog. In a place where the Orwellian modus operandi that white is black and black is white prevails, Cambodians aren’t fooled for a second.”

While attempts to justify attacks on the CNRP continued and senior party members fled the country fearing arrest, the prime minister’s second son was promoted inside the military from Major General to Lieutenant General, recognition for his “good achievements”, including possibly his role in the successful suppression operation against the CNRP.

Continue to read by Asia Times….

Posted by: | Posted on: March 24, 2018

Is this the act of victims are victimized?

Dear Respectful Members,

This thread is to express my deep sorry and frustration that because of what I mentioned about “PM Hun Sen didn’t appear in the group photo because he said he was at the toilet?” that made Louk Pu BA faced removing from the Campro group (link 1, link 2). Whatever reasons his removal is referred to, I think that, this action is just a paralleled “victims are victimized” conduction in Cambodia society.

Eisenhower word Observing from those most fundamental activities to the most essential practises on national stage, they are showing us (the underdogs) the path to its evilization that we should shoulder to deevilize them, if possible. Parents have victimized their children by just their excuse “I am your father/mother”, neighbours have victimized children through their funny bullying behaviours, and state leaders have used laws for their advantage to suppress the victims of land grabs and incompetence of the courts and dissents etc.
With the below attached threads, we might get some more info on what Pu BA is facing. He emailed me privately to anticipate my claims of PM Hun Sen was busy in toilet allowing the eminent leaders of Australia-ASEAN took group photo without him. I think Pu BA is among those Cambodian-Australians who were affected by the outrageous life threatening by PM Hun Sen’s public speech. Some sarcastic words of Pu BA towards PM Hun Sen is not been comparable to what PM Hun Sen has used state’s medium to denounce, to scold, to threat, and to anticipate grip of intimidation towards those dissents against him, at all.
I have always described the “victims are victimized” as a social failure in Cambodia. This activity has run underneath social fabric and caused our future short and FB_IMG_1521561535184unsustainable. Once, the conviction was laid that “While the Western countries believe in giving space and liberty to their citizens to bravely speak up their voice and fully engage in social development in the hope of long term survival of their motherland, Cambodia is in dichotomous effort by the government. This historical and remarkable contrast has happened since Cambodian people protest against the additional border treaty with Vietnam in 2005, many of them were arrested and jailed, once Prime Minister Hun Sen promised to make coffins for those who dare to claim back Khmer Krom lost land for Cambodia, and with many other occasions including banning Alex from his campaign to protect the Cambodia forests, is seen as an attempt to threat those bottom line people activism who are working to protect their lands and forests and to open way or encourage the wrong doers such as land grab activities, deforestation and logging, and forced eviction etc. to continue their wrong deeds without obstacles” (original link).
As some of the members said, in our discussion group, there are variety of speeches, sarcasms, threats(sic), and harsh exchanges etc. but at thHun Sen at Sydney alone alwayse end, this is how the wise have learnt to accept, to tolerate, and to exchange knowledge within a healthy multi-cultural setting. Some regulations and rules are good in producing healthy multi-cultural society, but some are just tools for the controllers to exercise their own biased territory. So let be frank in ourselves and treat things fairly and credibly.
I would like to plea Louk Sophal to explain more reasons to deleting/removing Pu BA from the group. With two warnings will become completely removing is still redundant. This practice has placed all other members at stake and reduced the quality of goals and definition and mission statement set within Campro by all members. Pou BA should be asked for his volunteering stance of view rather than being dictated towards him. And he should be reinstated.
Thank you very much for your kind consideration.
Posted by: | Posted on: March 22, 2018

Joint Statement on the Human Rights Situation in Cambodia

Op-Ed: Geneva Switzerland

Item 2 General Debate
37th Session of the Human Rights Council
Geneva, March 21, 2018

Mr. President,

New Zealand 1 New Zealand makes this statement on behalf of a group of 45 countries; the full version of the statement and the list of supporting delegations will be published on the extranet.

The international community has provided strong support for the development of democracy in Cambodia during the twenty-five years since the Constitution of Cambodia enshrined liberal multi-party democracy.  Over the intervening decades, we have applauded the progress Cambodia had made since the signing of the Paris Peace Agreements in 1991.  Positive indictors included a relatively successful national election in 2013, and communal elections in 2017.

As we near the elections scheduled for 29 July this year, our previous optimism has been replaced by deep concern about the recent serious decline of civil and political rights in Cambodia.  These backward steps include signs of escalating repression of the political opposition, civil society and media. We share the concerns highlighted by the High Commissioner and the Special Rapporteur about actions taken by the Cambodian government that will undermine the conduct of credible, free and fair elections in July.  For the Cambodian Government to retain its legitimacy, any elections must be free, fair and credible.

International human rights treaties ratified by Cambodia and the Constitution of Cambodia guarantee, and the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration affirms the rights of freedom of expression, freedom of association, and of citizens to participate in government through free, fair and credible elections that are periodic and transparent. However, we note with particular concern that in recent months:New Zealand 2

  • There has been a significant clampdown on the press and civil society across the country, including the closure or suspension of several NGOs and independent media companies;
  • The Cambodia National Rescue Party leader Kem Sokha was detained on 3 September 2017, and since then has been deprived of his rights including access to his lawyers, and the right to defend himself through legal assistance of his own choosing.
  • The court’s continued unwillingness to release Kem Sokha on bail during judicial proceedings is of concern especially in light of his deteriorating health.
  • The CNRP was dissolved by the Supreme Court on 16 November, 118 CNRP members were banned from political activity for five years, and the CNRP’s local and national seats were reallocated to unelected members of the ruling and other parties.

We are particularly concerned about the conditions under which opposition leader Kem Sokha is being detained following his arbitrary arrest: he is reportedly in isolation, without adequate access to health care, subjected to intrusive observation, and other conditions, such as constant light.  We call for the immediate release of all political prisoners, including Kem Sokha.

We urge Cambodia to:

  • Reinstate the CNRP and all elected members to their national and communal seats, and to
  • Repeal the amendments to the Law on Political Parties which provided for expansive grounds for the dissolution of political parties.

An electoral process from which the main democratic opposition party has been arbitrarily excluded cannot be considered genuine or legitimate.

We call on the Royal Government of Cambodia to take all measures necessary, before it is too late, to ensure that the 2018 elections are free, fair and credible.  In particular, we urge that the elections take place in a peaceful environment without threats, arbitrary arrests or acts of intimidation, and that all international human rights obligations important for successful elections, such as rights to freedom of expression, press, association and peaceful assembly, are respected, protected and fulfilled.

Further, we urge the Royal Government of Cambodia to refrain from using judicial, administrative and fiscal measures as political tools against the opposition, the media, civil society and human rights defenders and to further revise: the Law on Associations and NGOs (LANGO); the Law on Trade Unions; the Cambodian Criminal Code; and recent amendments to the Constitution. The political environment must be one in which opposition parties, civil society and media can function are able to carry out their legitimate roles without fear, threats or arbitrary restrictions.

We were heartened by the UN Special Rapporteur on Cambodia’s country visit that took place from 5-14 March.  We strongly encourage the government of Cambodia to pay close attention to the Special Rapporteur’s recommendations from her recent visit. In this regard, we urge Cambodia to take all necessary measures to prevent and deter acts of intimidate and reprisals against those cooperating with the UN human rights mechanisms, including human rights defenders and other civil society actors. We stand ready to support the implementation of assistance that will strengthen Cambodia’s democratic systems.

We urge the continued attention of the international community to the current situation in Cambodia, and we will look to further consideration by the Human Rights Council if the human rights situation does not improve in the lead up to the elections in July. We encourage the High Commissioner for Human Rights to provide an update on the situation in Cambodia in an inter-sessional briefing ahead of the June session of the Human Rights Council.

As Cambodia continues along the path of development, we urge the government to fulfill human rights obligations and commitments, in furtherance of a genuine liberal multi-party democracy as envisaged in the Constitution of Cambodia for the benefit of all Cambodians.

Thank you Mr. President.

New Zealand 3 New Zealand 4 New Zealand 5



More report by Reuters

Posted by: | Posted on: March 10, 2018

ពិតឬក្លែងក្លាយ ករណីបាញ់រាស្រ្តនៅក្រចេះគឺរដ្ឋាភិបាលត្រូវទទួលខុសត្រូវ

Freshnews is fresh but not true revealed 4 ឃុំ២ឆ្នូ ខេត្តក្រចេះ ជាឃុំមានឈ្មោះនៅទីតាំងជាក់ស្តែងនៃការជឿថាជាទីកំណើតគណបក្សប្រជាជនគឺកើតនៅថ្ងៃទី២ ខែធ្នូ ឆ្នាំ១៩៥០ នៅពេលគណបក្សមួយនេះរមែងរំលឹកកំណើតរបស់ខ្លួននៅថ្ងៃទី២៨ ខែមិថុនា ឆ្នាំ១៩៥១ ជំនួសវិញ។ ការផ្ទុះឡើងនៃការតវ៉ាបញ្ហាដីធ្លីកាលពីថ្ងៃទី៨ ខែមីនាម្សិលមិញនេះ ធ្វើអោយយើងនឹកដល់ការផ្ទុះហឹង្សារវាងកងកំឡាំងប្រដាប់អាវុធនិងប្រជាជនកាលពីឆ្នាំ២០១២ដែលលោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីហ៊ុន-សែន បញ្ជាអោយប្រើរហូតដល់យន្តហោះចំបាំងបាញ់ទៅលើប្រជាពលរដ្ឋដោយចោទថាជាអ្នកធ្វើរដ្ឋអបគម។Freshnews is fresh but not true revealed 5

រឿងរ៉ាវលើកនេះ កើតឡើងក្នុងកំឡុងកម្ពុជាគ្មានពត៍មានឯករាជ្យ តែវីដេអូដែលចែកចាយក្នុងបណ្តាញទំនាក់ទំនងសង្គម និងការផ្តល់បទសម្ភាសន៍ដោយប្រជាជននៅក្នុងទីកើតហេតុ មានការផ្ទុយគ្នាពីអាជ្ញាធរនិងពត៍មានលើកជើងរបស់រដ្ឋមានដូចជាFreshnewsជាដើម។

បើតាមពត៍មាន Phnom Penh Post គឺមានការអៈអាងជាដំបូងថាមានមនុស្សស្លាប់ដោយទទួលស្គាល់ពីមេឃុំ២ឆ្នូថាមានមនុស្សស្លាប់មែន។ ប៉ុន្តែតាមការតាមសម្ភាសន៍របស់អ្នកសារពត៍មានFreshnewsទាំងស្ត្រីរងគ្រោះទាំងមេឃុំបដិសេធន៍នូវសំដីដើមរបស់ខ្លួន។ បើតាមសំដីអ្នកសារពត៍មាន គាត់ថាគាត់គឺពិតនិងឯករាជ្យ ហើយពត៍មានភ្នំពេញប៉ុស្តិ៍និងអាសុីសេរីគឺមិនពិតនិងមិនឯករាជ្យ ជាពត៍មានបំពុលសង្គម…ចំងល់គឺយុវជនម្នាក់នេះកំពុងនិយាយរឿងដែលខ្លួនឯងមិនបានឆ្លុះកញ្ចក់មើលខ្លួនឯងឡើយ។

យុវជនហ្វេសប៊ុកដួង តារា(Duong Dara)

យុវជនម្នាក់នេះជាអ្នកកាន់កាប់និងមើលការខុសត្រូវផេចរបស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីហ៊ុន-សែន។ ដើម្បីបន្ថែមប្រជាប្រីយភាព គេបានខិតខំគ្រប់បែបយ៉ាងមានដូចជា អោយFreshnews is fresh but not true revealed 6មន្ត្រីរាជការសុីវិលគ្រប់ជាន់ថ្នាក់បង្កើតគណនេយ្យហ្វេសប៊ុកផ្ទាល់ខ្លួនដើម្បីចុចឡាច់និងឈៀផេចសម្តេច ដាក់លុយឃោសនាអោយFreshnews is fresh but not true revealed 2ហ្វេសប៊ុករាប់សិបមុឺនដុល្លា និងតាមប្រមាញ់ទិញឡាច់ពីclick farmsផ្សេងៗជាច្រើន។ សព្វថ្ងៃ ផេចរបស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីមានអ្នកឡាច់ច្រើនជាងចំនួនប្រជាជនខ្មែរដែលមានគណនេយ្យហ្វេសប៊ុកទៅទៀតគឺជាង៩លាន៦សែនឡាច់ ដោយស្ថិតិអ្នកប្រើអិនតើនិតនៅកម្ពុជាមានប្រមាណជាង៤លាននាក់ប៉ុណ្ណោះ។ យើងដឹងទាំងអស់គ្នាច្បាស់ណាស់ថាហ្វេសប៊ុកជាអ្នករកសុី អោយតែអោយលុយគេ អ្នកគ្រប់គ្រងឡាច់អាចដាក់តួលេខអោយសម្តេចប៉ុន្មានក៏បានដែរ តែដែលយុវជនដួងតារាធ្វើអោយសម្តេចស្រក់ទឹកភ្នែកពេលក្រោយគឺលុយដែលសម្តេចយកមកប្រើមានប្រភពពីណា? ហើយឡាច់ទាំងនោះជានរណាខ្លះ ពីព្រោះហ្វេសប៊ុកនឹងលាតត្រដាងក្នុងពេលខាងមុខដ៏ឆាប់នេះ។

យុវជនហ្វ្រេសនីវលឹម-ជាវុត្ថា(Lim Cheavutha)

យុវជនម្នាក់នេះគឺជាអ្នកបង្កើតនិងជាប្រធានគ្រប់គ្រងកាសែតអនឡាញហ្វ្រេសនីវដែលគេស្គាល់ថាជាសារនាំពាក្យនិងវេទិកាផ្តាច់មុខរបស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីហ៊ុន-សែន។ អ្នកសារពត៍មានហ្វ្រេសនីវមានតែផ្សាយលើកជើងសម្តេចនិងដៀមដាមអោយក្រុមជំទាស់។ តែអ្វីដែលគួរកត់សម្គាល់គឺក្រុមអ្នកសារពត៍មានលំអៀងឥតខ្ចោះនេះមិនមែនបម្រើតែសម្តេចទេ គឺបម្រើក្រុមដែលធ្វើអោយសម្តេចអស់លក្ខណ៍ទៅថ្ងៃក្រោយដូចគ្នា។ ជាក់ស្តែង ករណីការបាញ់រៈទៅលើក្រុមអ្នកតវ៉ាដីធ្លីជាង២០០នាក់នៅខេត្តក្រចេះកាលពីពេលថ្មីៗនេះ ហ្វ្រេសនីវបានព្យាយាមនិយាយថាគ្មានអ្នកស្លាប់ទេ មានតែរបួសតែពីរនាក់តាមការអៈអាងរបស់អភិបាលខេត្តក៏ដូចជាអាជ្ញាធរ តែធាតុពិតបើតាមទ្រឹស្តីការផ្សំគំនិតគ្នា(conspiracy) ខ្មាន់កាំភ្លើងអាចជាមនុស្សដែលប្រឆាំងសម្តេចប្រាថ្នាចង់អោយប្រជាប្រីយភាពសម្តេចធ្លាក់ចុះក៏ថាបាន ឬក៏អាចជាអ្នកបង្កចលាចលឡើងក្នុងគោលបំណងដើម្បីគ្រប់គ្រងអ្វីមួយ។

Freshnews is fresh but not true revealed 1ជាតថភាពជាក់ស្តែង លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីមិនដែលមានចិត្តស្ងប់សុខសម្រាប់សុវត្ថិភាពខ្លួនឯងឡើយ តាមរយៈការបង្កើនកំឡាំងអង្គភាពអង្គរក្សផ្ទាល់ខ្លួន ការផ្ទេរសិទ្ធិទៅអោយកូននូវតំណែងសំខាន់ៗក្នុងការការពារសុវត្ថិភាពនិងសន្តិសុខផ្ទាល់ខ្លួនជាដើម។ អ្នកប្រាជ្ញវិទ្យាសាស្ត្រនយោបាយជាច្រើនបានសរសេរថាអំណាចផ្តាច់ការដែលគ្មានច្បាប់ទំលាប់រមែងបញ្ចប់សេចក្តីដោយការវាយប្រហារគ្នាឯងដែលកើតអំពីការមិនទុកចិត្តគ្នាឯង កើនខ្លាំងឡើងៗជារៀងរាល់ថ្ងៃ។ បើមានមនុស្សស្លាប់មែន រដ្ឋាភិបាលក៏ដូចជាអាជ្ញាធរមិនអាចដំរីស្លាប់យកចង្អេរមកបាំងបានទេ។

យុវជនខ្មែរត្រូវបានគេបំពាក់បំប៉ននិងយកមកប្រើអោយអស់សាច់(spoil and exploit)

អ្វីគ្រប់យ៉ាងចាប់ផ្តើមពីបបូរមាត់របស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីក្នុងការប្រើភាសាហឹង្សានិងជេរប្រទេច។ ទាំងទូរទស្សន៍ ទាំងការផ្សាយផ្ទាល់ក្នុងបណ្តាញសង្គម មិនដែលឃើញមានការកាត់សំលេងភាសាអសុរសម្តងណាឡើយ(censor)។ យុវជនពីរនាក់ដែលលើកឡើងខាងលើគឺជានិមិត្តរូបបញ្ជាក់អំពីភាពមិនដឹងអ្វី(innocent)របស់ពួកគេ។ ប្រព័ន្ធសង្គម(social foundation) របបសង្គម(social regime) អំណាចនិយម(power and entitlement) និងសម្ភារៈនិយម(materialism) ជាដើម បានលើកទឹកចិត្តអោយពួកគេចេះធ្វើការដើម្បីគោរពតាម ផ្គាប់ផ្គុន និងសហការជាមួយចៅហ្វាយនាយ(obey, submit, cooperate or OSC) ដើម្បីបានមកវិញនូវលាភសក្ការៈ(benefits) ជាជាងប្រកាន់ខ្ជាប់ក្នុងក្រមសីលធម៍(ethical conduct) និងបើកចិត្តទូលាយ(open minded) ដោយមើលឃើញអ្នកភូមិផងរបងជាមួយក៏ដូចជាជនរួមជាតិជាឈាមតែមួយដែលមិនគួរកុហកបោកប្រាស់(deceive) ធ្វើវិទ្ធង្សនា(manipulate) កិបកេង(take advantage) ងប់ងុលជ្រុលនិយម(radical) មិនមានចិត្តមេត្តាករុណា(loving-kindness) ដល់អ្នកទន់ខ្សោយ(the under privileged) និងអត្តទត្ថភាព(selfish) ជាដើម។Freshnews is fresh but not true revealed 3

ជាលទ្ធផលចុងក្រោយ យុវជនបរិសុទ្ធិ(innocent)បានតែការពារនូវពត៍មានដែលថាគ្មានអ្នកស្លាប់ ហើយអាជ្ញាធរគ្មានកំហុសទោះជាលឺស្នូរកាំភ្លើងច្រើនគ្រាប់យ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយ។ តាមទិដ្ឋភាពសង្គមក៏ដូចជាទិដ្ឋភាពច្បាប់ មន្ត្រីរាជការប៉ូលីទាហានមិនអាចយកកំភ្លើងមកគំរាមកំហែងប្រជាជនស្លូតត្រង់បានទេ។ ការផ្ទុះអាវុធនៅចំពោះមុខប្រជាជនគឺជាការខុសច្បាប់ទាហានធ្ងន់ធ្ងរដែលមេក្រុមឬមេកងពលត្រូវហៅបុគ្គលនោះមកដាក់ទោសទណ្ឌនិងឡើងដល់កំរិតដកចេញពីអង្គភាពតែម្តងបើទាហាននិងមេទាហាននោះមានវិន័យត្រឹមត្រូវ។ ម្យ៉ាងទៀត អ្នកខ្លះនៅជាប់កំអែលបៀតបៀនអ្នកទន់ខ្សោយ អ្នកក្រីក្រ និងអ្នកទន់ទាប (the under privileged) ដោយគេដាក់កំហុសទៅលើអ្នកតវ៉ារឿងដីធ្លីហើយកាន់ជើងអ្នកមានអំណាច។ ពួកគេគឺពិតជាមិនមែនជាមនុស្សចេះការពារអ្នកទន់ខ្សោយទេ(the underdogs) ទោះជួនកាលពួកគេក៏ជាមនុស្សទន់ខ្សោយដែលនោះ។ តែពួកគេទៅការពារអ្នកមានអំណាចដែលដេកសុីប្រាក់ខែរាស្ត្រទាំងនោះទៅវិញ។ នេះបានចំជាអ្នកគាំទ្រចាប់ចោរឆក់តាមចិញ្ចើមថ្នល់ តែបដិសេធន៍ចៅអង្គុយលើកៅអីក្នុងម៉ាសុីនត្រជាក់ទៅវិញ! ពួកគេគួរមើលរឿង Robin Hood ទុកគ្រាន់ជាមេរៀន។

ក្រុមអ្នកច្បាប់អៈអាងថាប៉ូលីសទាហានមិនអាចយកកាំភ្លើងមកប្រើប្រាស់បង្ក្រាបបាតុករបានទេ ដូចគ្នាដែរប្រជាជនរងគ្រោះនៅតែអៈអាងថាមានអ្នកស្លាប់ជាច្រើននាក់ដដែល


បើអ្នកមិនអាចធ្វើបានដូច Robin Hood ទេ អ្នកក៏គ្រាន់តែដាក់ខ្លួនជាអ្នកឈឺឆ្អាលដល់អ្នកទន់ខ្សោយផង

Posted by: | Posted on: November 16, 2017

Cambodia’s Supreme Court orders dissolution of major opposition party

Op-Ed: Kyodo News

Cambodia’s Supreme Court orders dissolution of major opposition party

Courtesy: Phnom Penh Post

Courtesy: Phnom Penh Post

   PHNOM PENH, Nov. 16 Kyodo –    Cambodia’s Supreme Court on Thursday ordered the dissolution of the country’s main opposition party, in a ruling made ahead of next year’s general election in which the party had been expected to do well.

     The ruling, which was handed down by presiding judge Dith Munty after a day-long hearing, also banned 118 Cambodia National Rescue Party members, including party president Kem Sokha, from politics for five years.

     The top court heard the case based on a complaint filed by the Interior Ministry, which alleges that Kem Sokha conspired with foreigners in trying to topple the government.

     Kem Sokha was arrested in September in a case widely considered to be politically motivated and is expected to be tried later this month, while around half of the party’s lawmakers have fled the country, fearing arrest.

     Soon after the ruling, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen hailed the decision, saying it will secure the stability, peace and sustainable development of Cambodia.

     Hun Sen, the prime minister since 1985, making him the world’s longest-serving head of government, said all CNRP’s members and their supporters — excluding the party leaders banned from politics — could join his ruling Cambodian People’s Party or other political parties. He said a few dozen other political parties remained that can compete in the next election scheduled for July 29, 2018.

     Hun Sen also said that in less than two weeks, the seats won by the CNRP in the last national general and local elections will be redistributed.

     During the last general election in 2013, the opposition party won 55 seats in the 123-seat National Assembly, against 68 seats captured by Prime Minister Hun Sen’s ruling CPP, meaning all seats were won by those two parties.

     The court hearing was held amid tight security to prevent CNRP supporters from protesting around the courthouse.

     Following the decision, the CNRP issued a statement condemning the ruling, saying it ignored the will of more than three million Cambodians who voted for the CNRP.

     The CNRP also said it will never recognize the ruling, and the CNRP remains legal as its members of the national parliament and those holding positions in local authorities were elected by the people.

     Furthermore, the statement appealed to the international community to take action to rescue the opposition party so it can take part in a free and fair election next year, and to press for the immediate release of party leader Kem Sokha.

     The ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights issued a statement saying the move demolished the final pillar of Cambodian democracy and ushered in an era of de facto one-party rule.

     “ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) called on international partners to cancel their engagement in next year’s national elections, arguing that the CNRP’s dissolution effectively robbed the vote of any legitimacy,” it said.

     “The Supreme Court has hammered the final nail in the coffin for Cambodian democracy. Its decision not only leaves the country without its only viable opposition party less than a year before scheduled elections, but also completely undermines Cambodia’s institutional framework and the rule of law,” said APHR Chairperson Charles Santiago, a member of the Malaysian parliament.

     “One thing remains crystal clear: the CNRP was dissolved not for breaking any laws, but simply for being too popular and a threat to the ruling party’s dominance. Cambodia’s judiciary has once again proved that its main objective is not justice, but the furtherance of the Prime Minister’s personal prerogatives,” he added.