វិភាគសេដ្ឋកិច្ចពីវិនិយោគចិននៅសកម្ពុជា / Chinese investments in Cambodia

Op-Ed: Phnom Penh Post

៣០ មេសា ២០១៨ / 30 April 2018

វិភាគសេដ្ឋកិច្ចពីវិនិយោគចិន នៅសកម្ពុជា / Chinese investments in Cambodia (*)

គេថាវិនិយោគចិន នៅប្រទេសកម្ពុជា ឈរលើកិច្ចសន្យា « ឈ្នះ ឈ្នះ » តែមានភាគីមួយទៀត ដែលទទួលការបង់ខាត គឺប្រជារាស្ត្រខ្មែរ

ថ្មីៗនេះ លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន បានលើកតម្កើងវិនិយោគចិន នៅប្រទេសកម្ពុជា ថាមានប្រយោជន៍ធំធេងណាស់ សម្រាប់ស្រុកយើង។ តែខ្ញុំសូមធ្វើការកត់សម្គាល់ដូចតទៅ។

The entrance to Kratie University flanked with Chinese and Cambodian flags in a photo posted on Facebook last week.
The entrance to Kratie University flanked with Chinese and Cambodian flags in a photo posted on Facebook last week.

បញ្ហាចម្បង ទាក់ទងវិនិយោគចិន នៅប្រទេសកម្ពុជា គឺការខ្វះតម្លាភាព ដែលនាំមកនូវអំពើពុករលួយ ទាំងខាងភាគីវិនិយោគិនចិន ទាំងខាងភាគីមន្ត្រីជាន់ខ្ពស់រដ្ឋាភិបាល។ គេថាវិនិយោគទាំងនេះ ឈរលើកិច្ចសន្យា « ឈ្នះ ឈ្នះ » សម្រាប់ភាគីទាំងពីរ តែមានភាគីមួយទៀត ដែលទទួលការបង់ខាត គឺប្រជារាស្ត្រខ្មែរ ដែលមិនមានសិទ្ធិសម្តែងមតិ។

សព្វដង វិនិយោគពីបរទេស តែងតែផ្តល់ការងារឲ្យប្រជាពលរដ្ឋក្នុងស្រុក តែចំពោះវិនិយោគចិន នៅប្រទេសកម្ពុជាវិញ គ្មានផ្តល់ការងារអ្វី ឲ្យប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរទេ ពីព្រោះវិនិយោគិនចិន គេនាំពលកររបស់គេ មកពីប្រទេសចិន ហើយប្រាក់ខែបើកឲ្យពលករបរទេសទាំងនោះ ត្រូវផ្ទេរទៅប្រទេសចិនវិញ។

សព្វដងទៀត មានការផ្ទេរបច្ចេកវិទ្យា ពីប្រទេសជឿនលឿន មកប្រទេសអន់ថយ តាមរយៈវិនិយោគ ពីប្រទេសមួយទៅប្រទេសមួយ តែចំពោះវិនិយោគចិន នៅកម្ពុជា គឺគ្មានការផ្ទេរបច្ចេកវិទ្យាអ្វីមកស្រុកយើងទេ ពីព្រោះពួកចិន គេធ្វើអ្វីៗទាំងអស់តែខ្លួនគេ ហើយគេនឹងវិលត្រឡប់ទៅស្រុកគេវិញ ក្រោយពីបញ្ចប់ការដ្ឋានរបស់គេនៅស្រុកយើង។

ពេលដែលពលករទាំងអស់ ត្រូវបាននាំមកពីប្រទេសចិន ពលករខ្មែរ មិនមានឱកាសទទួលបានការបណ្តុះបណ្តាលវិជ្ជាជីវៈអ្វីទេ ហើយស្រុកយើងក៏គ្មានឱកាសអភិវឌ្ឍធនធានមនុស្សរបស់យើងឡើយ។ លោក ហ៊ុន សែន លើកឡើងថា វិនិយោគិនចិន ត្រូវតែនាំពលកររបស់គេ ពីស្រុកចិនមកប្រទេសកម្ពុជា ពីព្រោះស្រុកយើងខ្វះធនធានមនុស្ស ហើយមិនអាចរកពលករមានជំនាញវិជ្ជាជីវៈបានទេ។ ការលើកឡើងរបស់លោក ហ៊ុន សែន បែបនេះ មានន័យថាគាត់ចង់ឲ្យប្រទេសកម្ពុជា នៅតែអន់ថយជាងគេជានិច្ចកាល ដោយស្ថិតក្នុងភាពល្ងង់ខ្លៅ ភាពក្រីក្រ និងភាពរំពឹងលើគេជានិច្ចកាល។

យើងកត់សម្គាល់ថែមទៀតថា ប្រទេសចិន ផ្តល់ជំនួយឲ្យយើងដៃម្ខាង តែដៃម្ខាងទៀតគេប្រមូលពីយើងវិញយ៉ាងសន្ធឹកសន្ធាប់ តាមរយៈសម្បទានដីធ្លី សម្បទានព្រៃឈើ និងសម្បទានរ៉ែ និងតាមរយៈកិច្ចសន្យាចំណេញកប់ក្តោង ដោយគ្មានហានិភ័យអ្វី ដោយសារមានការធានា មិនឲ្យបង់ខាត ពីរដ្ឋាភិបាលកម្ពុជា ដូចជាក្នុងវិស័យវារីអគ្គិសនី ជាដើម។

ចំពោះទេសចរណ៍ មកពីប្រទេសចិនវិញ ក៏គេមិនត្រូវការពលករ និងអាជីវករខ្មែរដែរ ពីព្រោះក្រុមហ៊ុនចិន ជាអ្នកចាត់ចែងអ្វីៗទាំងអស់ សម្រាប់ទេសចរណ៍ចិន ដែលមកទស្សនាប្រទេសកម្ពុជា។ ដូច្នេះ ប្រជារាស្ត្រខ្មែរ មិនចំណេញអ្វីពីទេសចរណ៍ចិនទេ ដែលមកស្រុកយើងភ្លូកទឹកភ្លូកដី តែប្រទេសកម្ពុជាទទួលការបង់ខាត ផ្នែកបរិស្ថាន និងសង្គម ដោយសារទេសចរណ៍បែបនេះ។

លោក ហ៊ុន សែន គាត់ត្រូវការការគាំទ្រពីប្រទេសចិន ដើម្បីជួយការពាររបបផ្តាច់ការ និងពុករលួយរបស់គាត់ ពីព្រោះប្រទេសចិន មិនគិតពីប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ សិទ្ធិមនុស្ស និងអភិបាលកិច្ចល្អទេ នៅស្រុកណាដែលគេមកវិនិយោគ។ តែចំពោះលោក ហ៊ុន សែន គាត់បង្ហាញពីកង្វះខាត ក្នុងការយល់ដឹងក្នុងវិស័យសេដ្ឋកិច្ច ហើយគាត់ក៏មិនអើពើ ពីផលប្រយោជន៍ប្រទេសកម្ពុជាឡើយ។

សម រង្ស៊ី
ប្រធានចលនាសង្គ្រោះជាតិ

(*) The Phnom Penh Post, 30 April 2018

Chinese investments in Cambodia are win-win-lose, and guess who’s the loser

By Sam Rainsy

Editor,

Following The Post’s article titled Hun Sen comes to China’s defence, praises investment and development aid (April 26), I would like to make the following remarks.

The main problem with Chinese investments is their complete lack of transparency, which favours corruption among both Chinese investors and Cambodian government officials. These investments generally consist of “win-win-lose” arrangements, with the Cambodian people being the silent loser.

Continue reading “វិភាគសេដ្ឋកិច្ចពីវិនិយោគចិននៅសកម្ពុជា / Chinese investments in Cambodia”

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Why There Won’t Be a Cambodian Spring This Election Year

Why There Won’t Be a Cambodian Spring This Election Year

Courtesy: The Diplomat
Courtesy: The Diplomat

Despite being well versed in the chaotic metropolises of South East Asia, I still found myself surprised by the coarseness of Cambodia’s capital city when I visited for the first time last month. Half-finished construction sites spill out into the roads, depriving pedestrians of footpaths and adding to Phnom Penh’s not-quite-finished character. Yet for the capital of a country that is now just three months away from a general election, there is a notable absence of the usual broad-faced men bearing grins and upwards pointing thumbs that you might expect to see postered to the sides of buildings and billboards. You may, in fact, be forgiven for not knowing that there is an upcoming election at all.

Cambodia’s leader, Hun Sen, is the world’s longest-serving prime minister having held the position since 1985. Rising to power as a battalion commander under the Khmer Rouge, he defected to Vietnam and became a leader of the rebellion against the regime before being appointed as deputy prime minister in the Vietnamese-installed government in 1979. Since then, Hun Sen has refused to relinquish power, and despite losing a UN-sponsored election in 1993 he went on to lead a successful coup against his co-prime minister, cementing his position at the head of the ever-incumbent Cambodian People’s Party (CPP). His reign has been characterized by the stifling of democracy and unabashed brutalizing of the opposition.

At the head of a government widely accepted as one of the world’s most openly corrupt, Hun Sen’s immediate family is known to have registered interests in over 114 domestic private companies, holding total or substantial control in 90 percent of them. These sectors span the breadth of the economy, from construction to hospitality, telecoms to media, and finance to mining. His relatives also hold key positions within the government and the military, increasingly embedding themselves into the country’s elite apparatus.

In the four years since there has been an undeniable systematic dismantling of the opposition party, and an intensified purge of government critics. With the assistance of the state’s judiciary, the party’s new leader Kem Sohka was arrested for treason in September 2017, while over 100 members of the CNRP’s leadership have been banned from participating in politics for the next five years.The only serious contender to have challenged the rule of the CPP was the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP). Formed in a merger of two opposition parties and united under prominent reform campaigner Sam Rainsy, the party won a 44 percent share of the vote in the 2013 general election, nearly topping the CPP’s 49 percent. Despite Human Rights Watch supporting the CNRP’s accusations of electoral fraud, citing the registering of voters in multiple provinces and the issuing of fake election documents by the CPP, the incumbent government denied calls for an independent review into the election.

In November 2017, the Supreme Court officially disbanded the CNRP, eradicating the only serious contender in the upcoming general election and making the CPP’s landslide victory inevitable. The day was branded “The Death of Democracy” by the Phnom Penh Post, one of the only remaining English-language publication not closed down in recent years.

Sam Rainsy, who has been in exile since 2016 after being charged with defamation for accusing Hun Sen’s government of murdering the high-profile political activist Kem Ley, has since set up the offshoot Cambodia National Rescue Movement (CNRM) in an attempt to pull together an opposition ahead of the election. However, rather than uniting the opposition, this has further fractured relations with some adamant members of the disbanded CNRP who are opposed to the abandonment of their party. Many more are refusing to publicly support the new party in fear that their association could lead to their arrest if this party is targeted by the CPP too.

In this climate of intense frustration some commentators are questioning whether Hun Sen has gone too far, and in fact sealed his own fate by inciting a public uprising against the CPP. While others have underlined the claim that only 30 percent of the junior members of the armed forces now genuinely support the regime.

Yet while it is true that frustration is growing among Cambodian pro-democracy activists, there is no “Cambodian Spring” in the offing. Hun Sen’s position in the country has never been stronger; with no organized opposition to challenge him and near total de facto control of the judiciary, military, police force, and press.

I spoke to Dr. Sorpong Peou, a Cambodian-born Canadian professor at Ryerson University and an expert on politics and security in Cambodia, about the country’s immediate political outlook.

“My prediction is that anti-government protests and demonstrations are likely to develop as the July elections are fast approaching, but I don’t know if they will be sustained. The opposition, in my opinion, has weakened and will not be resilient. [Whereas] the CPP-led government is likely to use force to crush or thwart any movements seeking to challenge its power.”

When asked if he believed that Hun Sen could maintain power for the next decade, as he has stated his intention to, he told me there was no doubt about it. “Hun Sen cannot afford to lose because losing in Cambodia can mean the end, if not death.”

“The lack of legitimate state institutions has left Cambodia more or less in the Hobbesian ‘state of nature’, and the politics of survival remains intense. Thus, I don’t expect Hun Sen and his CPP to go down without a fight to the death. For me, this is the great Cambodian tragedy.”

Hun Sen has never been investigated by the International Criminal Court for his complicity in the Khmer Rouge regime and does not intend to stand trial either for the politically-motivated murders alleged against him since he has been in power.

Continue reading “Why There Won’t Be a Cambodian Spring This Election Year”

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Kono urges Hun Sen to hold fair election

Japan has spent huge money for Cambodia since 1991 to help build democracy and national institution of this country. Now, it is critical time that Japan will never give up in paralleling their efforts with the West and America to renew such endeavours. Now, time is for HS to pick a dark road or a bright road. (Quote from a facebook page)

Kono urges Hun Sen to hold fair election

Op-Ed: NHK World Asia of Japan

cambodia japanJapanese Foreign Minister Taro Kono has urged Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen to ensure that the upcoming general election will be free and fair.

Kono and Hun Sen met on Sunday in Phnom Penh.

International observers have expressed concern about the fairness of the election scheduled for July. The Cambodian government forced the largest opposition party to disband last year.

Kono said the election should properly reflect the will of the people. He quoted Hun Sen as saying that it will be free and fair.

Later on Sunday, Kono and Cambodian Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn signed a document that says Japan will provide up to roughly 90 million dollars in yen-denominated loans to help build electric power facilities in Phnom Penh.

Kono told reporters that Japan is a longtime friend of Cambodia and doesn’t want to see the Southeast Asian country facing criticism.

He said Japan will keep monitoring the situation.

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THE DUMPLING SHOP OWNER AT THE CENTER OF AN AUTHORITARIAN CRACKDOWN

THE DUMPLING SHOP OWNER AT THE CENTER OF AN AUTHORITARIAN CRACKDOWN

BY JUSTIN HIGGINBOTTOM

The experiment in democracy that is modern Cambodia seems to have hit a bump in the road. Actually, if Cambodian democracy were a car, it would be in a rice-field ditch and the villagers (and international observers) smelling smoke. Twenty-five years after the United Nations Transitional Authority ended its stewardship of the country, and despite having a new constitution, years of relatively free elections and billions of dollars in foreign aid, residents are effectively living under single-party rule. The question on people’s minds is what comes next — a tow truck or an explosion.

One interested observer is Sin Rozeth. The 34-year-old former commune chief and once rising political star was given the same choice as other members of the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party: defect to another party (preferably the ruling Cambodian People’s Party) or get out of politics. Rozeth chose the latter — she opened a dumpling restaurant in her old stomping grounds after the CNRP was forcibly dissolved in November — while looking for a way forward in the face of Cambodia’s increasingly totalitarian environment.

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Sin Rozeth is among those stars of 2007 elect-commune councils who have been speaking the language of bottom line people of Cambodia. They are working as the underdogs to reflect and reduce the autocrats and their children of family elites. Like Rozeth, other young politicians such as Chin Sok Ngeng (Siem Reap) Mao Phally (Kampong Chhnang) Siek Chamnab (Siem Reap), just mention a few, they are the future leader, the catalyst of change, and the agent of change, for Cambodia.
Sin Rozeth is among those stars of 2007 elect-commune councils who have been speaking the language of bottom line people of Cambodia. They are working as the underdogs to reflect and reduce the autocrats and the children of family elites. Like Rozeth, other young politicians such as Chin Sok Ngeng (Siem Reap),
Mao Phally (Kampong Chhnang),
Siek Chamnab (Siem Reap), just mention a few, they are the future leader, the catalyst of change, and the agent of change, for Cambodia.

Rozeth opened a restaurant to support her mother, and to make up for the loss of her meager public salary. But her accusers say it’s a front for illegal political activities. “If this restaurant is used as a place to gather fire, it is really dangerous for Rozeth and it should not be tolerated,” Chheang Vun, a ruling party lawmaker, posted on Facebook. In response to claims that she’s harboring “rebels,” Rozeth hung a banner outside: “Rozeth’s shop welcomes all guests, but not rebels.” The tongue-in-cheek gesture earned her a reprimand by the city governor, who warned that using such language could damage the kingdom’s reputation. Rozeth says she feels threatened by the ongoing harassment, and a group of former CNRP members sent letters to several international bodies, including the United Nations Human Rights Committee, seeking help in pressuring the government to stop the “bullying.”

In the short term, at least, one-party rule will continue in Cambodia, says Sophal Ear, professor of diplomacy and world affairs at Occidental College. And mounting new opposition will be difficult. ”It’s like razing an old grove forest,” he explains. “You’re not going to get 100-year-old trees. You’ll have young trees, and they’ll be easy to bulldoze if they get too strong.” National elections are scheduled for this summer, and it’s unclear whether CNRP’s former supporters will turn toward another party or abstain from voting, says Sinthay Neb, director of the Advocacy and Policy Institute in Phnom Penh. Whatever happens, he believes the best way forward is for both sides to meet and work together — however unlikely.

For now, Rozeth refuses to give up: “As long as one still has breath, there is still hope for democracy.” She stays busy traveling to villages to perform charity work (this too, she says, is closely monitored). And she helps people who come to her shop, even if it’s only for a good meal.

Before I leave the noodle shop — which has filled with the evening crowd — I take a few photographs of the owner. Other patrons notice and pull out their phones. Seems they all want a selfie with the politician turned restaurateur now under fire.

Continue to read this whole article at OZY…

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