January, 2020

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Posted by: | Posted on: January 12, 2020

The Longest Failed Regime in the World

Comment: អានចំណងជើងក៏យើងដឹងច្បាស់ថាលោកហ៊ុនសែនឈ្នះរហូតតែសម្រាប់ប្រយោជន៌និងអំណាចគាត់ បក្សពួក និងក្រុមគ្រួសារតែប៉ុន្តែ។ អ្នកនិព្វន្ធដែលប្រើវោហាសាស្ត្រដក់ជាប់អារម្មណ៌នេះបានបញ្ជាក់ដោយខ្លឹមសារខ្លីតែមានអត្ថន័យជក់ចិត្តនោះគឺទីបំផុតលោកហ៊ុនសែនអាចធ្វើអ្វីគ្រប់បែបយ៉ាងអោយតែរក្សាអំណាចបានរួមទាំងតំលៃជាតិទាំងមូលត្រូវបានលក់ដូរឬពុះជ្រៀកយ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយ។

The Longest Failed Regime in the World

Original Source for Academic Reference: LARB, By Charles Dunst

JANUARY 6, 2020

HUN SEN’S REIGN was never supposed to last this long. The Vietnamese Communists who in 1979 installed him, then a tongue-tied mid-20s ex–Khmer Rouge commander, as their puppet foreign minister certainly did not expect this. Neither did the international community.

Sen has defied all expectations, emerging from the Mekong River–hugging lowlands of Kampong Cham to rule Cambodia as prime minister, first in the Vietnamese-controlled People’s Republic of Kampuchea, then under the United Nations’s democracy-focused eye, later as the country’s co-premier, then again on his own, and now still solo, but increasingly under China’s influence. Throughout these near-tectonic shifts, one thing — Sen’s self-interest — has remained constant.

January 14, 2020, will mark 35 years since he came to power. But Sen, who’s only 67, has no apparent intention of stepping down, although he seems to be priming his son Hun Manet for succession. Meanwhile, his autocratic crackdowns have intensified, and the Cambodian condition remains dire: Corruption is endemic, and some 80 percent of Cambodians survive on subsistence farming. The kleptocrat may now wear Cambodian rather than French colonial colors, but for the country’s rural majority life is distressingly similar to its previous analogues.

Still, Sen’s self-crafted legacy hinges mainly on a narrative of deliverance. He claims to have ended Cambodia’s Khmer Rouge period and brought about a newfound era of peace, stability, and marginal development. “Your contemporary poverty and stability,” Sen’s narrative seems to tell Cambodians, “is better than the state of war in which you’d be without me.” But his true legacy is of autocracy, of fear and corruption, and, ultimately, of contempt for and betrayal of those Cambodians who he has long failed to serve.

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Sen spent his early years in Kampong Cham, but by the mid-1960s his parents had sent him, then either 12 or 13, to live and study at a pagoda in the Cambodian capital of Phnom Penh. Autocratic and self-indulgent Cambodian leader Prince Norodom Sihanouk ordered the public execution of alleged traitors in 1969, and anti-Sihanouk sentiment took hold of some of Sen’s friends; at least one was arrested. Fearing his own potential detainment, Sen fled to Kampong Cham, settling in Vietnam-bordering district of Memot, according to 2015 Human Rights Watch report “30 Years of Hun Sen.”

The United States was at this point entrenched in the Vietnam War and drowning Cambodia, officially neutral but allowing North Vietnam to use its territory, in more bombs than the Allies dropped on the Axis during the entirety of World War II. This bombardment killed at least 200,000 Cambodians and helped the Khmer Rouge recruit followers. The ultra-nationalist Maoists would eventually kill about two million people, a quarter of Cambodia’s population. But they gained popular support by promising to stop the bombing.

Sen bore witness to this explosive rain, instilling in him what he says was anti-American sentiment. It was this anger, coupled with a standard Cambodian respect for Sihanouk, that seems to have brought him, like countless others, to join the Khmer Rouge. Scholar Ben Kiernan asserted in the late 1990s than Sen was by 16 already a courier for them.

Then, on March 18, 1970, US-favored General Lon Nol deposed Sihanouk, transforming Cambodia from a neutral to an American-aligned state and forcing the monarch into Chinese and North Korean exile. Stung by betrayal, Sihanouk agreed to lead the Khmer Rouge’s resistance, urging people over the radio to join their insurgency. He also appeared in propaganda films and booklets that “helped the Communists recruit peasants in Cambodia and gave respectability to their cause,” The New York Times reported. The paper of record charitably noted that “[i]n the end, King Sihanouk helped bring Pol Pot to power.”

The New Yorker’s Philip Gourevitch was later less forgiving: Sihanouk’s “name became the Khmer Rouge’s greatest recruitment tool, and the most extreme Communist movement in history swept to power on royal coattails.” By the end of April, the teenaged Sen was a Khmer Rouge platoon leader, and in 1971 he began to rise through their ranks, putting him well within its political and military structures, per Human Rights Watch. But in April 1975, he was wounded by shrapnel, leaving him unconscious for about a week — and without a left eye. While still recovering, Sen was promoted; he rejoined his regiment in Memot in May.

Around this time, Cambodia’s Muslim Cham communities began to oppose the Khmer Rouge. The guerrillas detested the Cham and Vietnamese living in Cambodia, viewing both as having no place in their agrarian Khmer utopia. They rounded up Chams, forced them to eat pork, banned their traditional language, and burned their Qur’ans.

In the fall of 1975, two eastern Cham villages rose up; the Khmer Rouge cracked down viciously in what amounted to My Lai–style massacres. Hun Sen was at the time a commander in those parts of Cambodia, but he has repeatedly denied his regiment’s involvement. Numerous other accounts contradict this though, implicating Sen’s unit, Battalion 55, in certain attacks. Brad Adams, executive director of Human Rights Watch’s Asia division, wrote in 2015:

According to one testimony by a former Sector 21 regiment combatant, after the unrest broke out and had already spread to Svay Khleang, Battalion 55 was dispatched from the border to suppress it. This is corroborated by the account of a Krauch Chhmar resident who observed Sector 21 troops moving into battle, saying that the units that suppressed the Cham unrest in 1975 were Krauch Chhmar District Military forces, based at the district seat on the Mekong, and Battalion 55[.] […] The attackers bombarded the village with 60 and 82 millimeter mortar rounds, while also firing on villagers with assault rifles and rocket-propelled grenades, killing hundreds of villagers.

Cambodia’s UN-backed Khmer Rouge tribunal, whose mandate extends only to the group’s senior-level officials — which Sen was not — has for years crawled along, delivering justice at a snail-like pace, largely because of Sen’s opposition to its continued operation. But in November 2018, it finally ruled Khmer Rouge crimes against Cham and Vietnamese to constitute genocide.

So I sat, in the sterile courtroom on Phnom Penh’s coral-dusted outskirts, surrounded by Cham survivors and their descendants, delicately capped men and headscarved women, as the tribunal made its ruling, prompting tears to flow — and implicating, at least by association, their prime minister in the worst of all crimes.

“How far Mr. Hun Sen participated in these brutalities is not known,” Steven Erlanger once reported for The New York Times. “[B]ut it is hard to imagine that he stood aside.”

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Hun Sen says that by 1976 he began to disagree with certain Khmer Rouge practices, namely their attacks against Vietnamese border villages. The Communists, who took control of Cambodia in April 1975, were also pursuing mass internal purges. So, in June, Sen because of his disagreements (and probably fearing purging) defected to Vietnam, embarking upon a new chapter of opportunism and puppetry.

By December 1978, Hanoi had become fed up with the Khmer Rouge’s Vietnamese massacres and invaded Cambodia to oust their former allies. Sen returned with a force of exiled Cambodians he’d formed to assist Vietnam (“Cambodia’s historical archenemy,” as Anthony Bourdain once wrote). By January 1979, Vietnam had forced the Khmer Rouge back into the jungles from which they came, and from where they would wage war for over a decade.

Vietnam after plundering Phnom Penh announced the names of those who would lead its puppet Cambodian government to be known as the People’s Republic of Kampuchea (PRK). This list, The New York Times reported, comprised an array of “unknown” Cambodian defectors including Hun Sen, the 26- or 27-year-old who would be the foreign affairs minister.

The PRK was a police state of which Sen, following the arrest and death of his predecessors, became prime minister on January 14, 1985. He was 32, and in control of the PRK’s armed forces and security units, which he wielded ruthlessly to imprison thousands of political opponents who were then tortured using “electric shocks, hot irons and near-suffocation with plastic bags,” according to a 1987 Amnesty International report. Meanwhile, food was scant, malnutrition widespread, and infrastructure ruined; war with the Khmer Rouge continued; Vietnam’s presence remained dominant.

Sen, there only by the grace of Hanoi, was Vietnam’s malleable marionette.

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Posted by: | Posted on: January 11, 2020

Cambodian Protester Dies in Custody, Police Deny Abuse

Cambodian Protester Dies in Custody, Police Deny Abuse

2020-01-10

Comment: នេះគឺជាការសំលាប់មានទំងន់ទោសធ្ងន់ធ្ងរដោយរដ្ឋាភិបាលប្រសិនបើអ្នកប្រព្រឹត្តនោះមិនត្រូវបានទទួលខុសត្រូវ ទោះចេតនាក្តីមិនចេតនាក្តី ត្រូវតែយកអ្នកប្រព្រឹត្តទៅកាត់ទោសតាមច្បាប់។ រដ្ឋមន្ត្រីក្រសួងមហាផ្ទៃមិនអាចគ្រាន់តែប្រើវោហាសាស្ត្រនយោបាយទៅកាន់សាធារណៈរឿងការបែកបាក់ផ្ទៃក្នុងជាតិជាក់ស្តែងបង្ករដោយប្រព័ន្ធអយុត្តិធម៍និងអំពើហឹង្សាមានរដ្ឋអំណាចនៅពីក្រោយខ្នងចំពោះប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរស្លូតត្រង់នោះទេ។

This is a capital killing on behalf of the State if those perpetrators, either intentional or unintentional, must be accountable and bringing to justice. Minister of Interior could not employ only rhetoric to the public regarding visible current national division caused by injustice system and state-sponsored violence over innocent Cambodian people.

Cambodian protester Tuy Sros lies dead in a Jan. 8, 2020 photo.

Cambodian protester Tuy Sros lies dead in a Jan. 8, 2020 photo.Photo provided by villager

A Cambodian rights group is calling for an investigation into the death of a jailed land-rights protester, saying that witness accounts of events leading to the man’s death contradict official denials of abuse by police.

Tuy Sros, a resident of the Ou Chrov district of Banteay Meanchey province, died in police custody on Jan. 1 after being held from Dec. 28 to Dec. 31 following a land-rights protest in which five other villagers were also detained.

Statements by provincial authorities and Cambodia’s National Military Police said that the protester, described in an official statement as “an alcoholic,” had died of an unspecified illness.

Speaking to RFA’s Khmer Service, Seoung Sen Karona—a spokesman for the Cambodian rights group Adhoc—said however that Tuy Sros’ body bore multiple bruises when it was released for burial.

“Witnesses said that military police had assaulted Tuy Sros again and again until he died,” Seoung Sen Karona said. “We will continue to monitor this case, and we call on the authorities to investigate it thoroughly.”

Released on Jan. 3, detained protester An Ruon said that he too had been beaten by police while in custody and was a witness to the repeated assaults on Tuy Sros, who had been handcuffed and kicked in the ribs “until he screamed for mercy.”

“He was also choked, and they covered his mouth to stop his screams,” he said.

“He screamed all through the night, and they finally took him to another place, but they kept beating him until he lost his memory,” he said.

Angered by screams

Also speaking to RFA, Him Kiri—another detainee who was later released—said that police had been angered by Tuy Sros’ continued screams, which they said were disturbing other detainees in the jail.

Finally, police ordered drug addicts held in the cells to beat Tuy Sros themselves, he said.

“I saw a military policeman order the assault,” he said, adding, “He told them to beat him to death.”

“I begged them not to hurt him, but no one listened. It was very brutal. They treated us as if we were thieves or rapists or other [common] criminals.”

Reached for comment, provincial Penal Department Deputy Director Men Phyrum refused to discuss the incident, referring questions to the National Military Police.

Police deny reports

Military Police spokesperson Eng Hy meanwhile denied reports that police had abused Tuy Sros.

“If there are any witnesses to abuse, have them file a complaint with the court, and we will work on this according to the law,” he said.

In a statement, Banteay Meanchey Provincial Headquarters said that Tuy Sros was an alcoholic and was sick, and that police had sent him to the provincial hospital, where doctors could not revive him.

Provincial Prison Director Ung Siphan meanwhile said that Tuy Sros “had died of an illness.”

Speaking to RFA, Tuy Sros’ wife Buy Kimlak said that provincial authorities have given her family 10 million riel (U.S. $2,455) for funeral expenses and have promised to support her children through school.

“I am very sad at losing my husband, but I cannot accuse [the police] because I wasn’t with him, and I didn’t see what happened,” she said.

Youth throws rocks

In a separate case, police in the Daun Penh district of Cambodia’s capital Phnom Penh took Rum Piseth, a young man described as mentally ill, into custody this week after he threw rocks at the residence of Prime Minister Hun Sen.

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Posted by: | Posted on: January 4, 2020

បណ្តាំពីស្ថាបនិកមជ្ឈមណ្ឌលព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនាអប់រំយុវជនពីប្រទេសកាណាដា

បណ្តាំពីស្ថាបនិកមជ្ឈមណ្ឌលព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនាអប់រំយុវជនពីប្រទេសកាណាដា

ខ្ញុំបាទសេង សុភ័ណធ្លាប់ជាអតីតសិស្សសាលា១០មករានិងជាស្ថាបនិកនៃមជ្ឈមណ្ឌលព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនាអប់រំយុវជនមានសោមនស្សរីករាយជាពន់ពេកដល់ប្អូនៗសិស្សានុសិស្សទាំងអស់ដែលបានចូលរួមគម្រោងការធម្មចារិកលើកទី៧៧ថ្ងៃនេះ។ ខ្ញុំមានសុបិន្នជានិច្ចថាសេរីភាពជាយាន នាំទៅរកការច្នៃប្រឌិត ហើយការច្នៃប្រឌិតនេះហើយដែលនាំអោយយើងរំដោះខ្លួនចេញផុតពីទាសករនៃជីវិតគឺមានន័យថាយើងប្រើប្រាស់ជីវិតនេះប្រកបដោយអត្ថន័យនិងអត្ថរសច្រើនបំផុត។


ព្រះសម្មាសម្ពុទ្ធទ្រង់បង្រៀនយើងថាការបានកើតជាមនុស្សគឺសត្វទាំងឡាយបានដោយកម្រ។ ខ្ញុំប្រកាន់ខ្ជាប់ពុទ្ធភាសិតថា រូបំ ជីរតិ មច្ចានំ នាមគោត្តំ ន ជីរតិ ប្រែថា រូបកាយរលត់រលាយទៅ កេរ្តិ៍ឈ្មោះនៅមិនរសាយ ល្អអាក្រក់លឺវែងឆ្ងាយ គួរស្តាយខំសាកអំពើល្អ។ ប្អូនៗអាចដឹងហើយថាអ្វីគឺជាអំពើល្អ? សេចក្តីល្អក្នុងខ្លួន សេចក្តីល្អក្នុងសង្គមគ្រួសារ សេចក្តីល្អក្នុងសហគមឬភូមិក្រុងខ្លួន សេចក្តីល្អក្នុងប្រទេសជាតិ រហូតដល់សេចក្តីល្អសម្រាប់ពិភពលោកទាំងមូលជាដើម ទាំងអស់នេះចាប់ផ្តើមពីធម៌មានគុណូបការៈគុណពីរយ៉ាងគឺហិរិឬសេចក្តីខ្មាសបាប និងឧត្តប្បៈឬសេចក្តីខ្លាចបាប។ កាយវាចាចិត្តជាប្រភពនៃសុចរិតនិងទុចរិតដែលបំលៃងជាបុណ្យនិងបាបសម្រាប់មនុស្សយើយម្នាក់ៗ។ ប៉ុន្តែសំខាន់ជាងនេះនោះព្រះពុទ្ធអង្គចារិកគោលការណ៍ឬច្បាប់ទំលាប់ទុកជាក្រិតក្រមសម្រាប់មនុស្សទំាងអស់បដិបត្តិតាម។ ព្រះធម៌គឺជាច្បាប់ក្នុងព្រះពុទ្ធសាសនា នៅពេលដែលច្បាប់រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញជាច្បាប់សំខាន់សម្រាប់ជាតិមួយ។ ហើយសេចក្តីល្អនិងអំពើល្អមិនមែនសង្កត់ធ្ងន់តែទៅលើប្រជាពលរដ្ឋទូទៅទេ តែថ្នាក់គ្រប់គ្រងរាប់តាំងពីថ្នាក់កំពូលរាប់តាំងពីព្រះមហាក្សត្រនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីរដ្ឋមន្ត្រីនានាគ្រប់ជាន់ថ្នាក់ជាដើមត្រូវមានក្រមសីលធម៍ខ្ពស់ទាំងក្នុងធម៌និងក្នុងការគោរពតាមច្បាប់រដ្ឋមានរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញជាដើម។ នៅពេលដែលធម៌ព្រះពុទ្ធសង្កត់ធ្ងន់ទៅលើការមើលឃើញកំហុសខ្លួនឯងរួចកែប្រែ ច្បាប់រដ្ឋសង្កត់ធ្ងន់ទៅលើនីតិយុត្តិធម៌គឺតុលាការមួយដែលមានវិជ្ជាជីវៈ មានចៅក្រម ព្រះរាជអាជ្ញា និងក្រុមអ្នកច្បាប់ដែលមានសមត្ថភាពនិងវិជ្ជាជីវៈជាក់ស្តែងក្នុងចំណែកអប់រំមនុស្សក្នុងសង្គមអោយក្លាយជាមនុស្សល្អ។ ប្អូនៗត្រូវគិតបែបបដិច្ចសមុប្បបាទៈដូចនេះទើបខ្លួនយើងអាចក្លាយជាមនុស្សល្អបានពិតប្រាកដ។ ខ្លួនខ្ញុំផ្ទាល់បានទុនជាបន្តបន្ទាប់ទៅសិក្សានៅបរទេសដោយបាលីសាមញ្ញគឺ សុ ចិ បុ លិ និង ឆ វិ ចិ វិមំ។ សុគឺស្តាប់អោយបានច្រើន។ ចិ គឺគិតពិចារណាអោយបានម៉ត់ចត់។ បុគឺបើមានមន្ទិលត្រូវសួរនាំ។ លិគឺកត់ត្រាជាប្រចាំ។ ឆគឺឆន្ទៈឬការស្រលាញ់និងការតាំងចិត្តខ្ពស់។ វិឬវិរយៈគឺការព្យាយាមមិនដាក់ធុរៈ។ ចិឬចិត្តៈគឺការគិតប្រកបដោយគុណភាព។ វិមំឬវិមំសារគឺការត្រិៈរិៈពិចារណាថ្លឹងថ្លែងអោយបានគ្រប់ជ្រុងជ្រោយ។ ទាំងអស់នេះបើធ្វើបានអាចចាត់ទុកថាជាជោគជ័យខ្លួនយើងម្នាក់ៗហើយទន្ទឹមជាមួយគ្នាត្រូវឈឺឆ្លាលនិងចូលរួមជាមួយសង្គមដើម្បីអោយសមាជិកទាំងអស់ក្នុងសង្គមទទួលបានយុត្តិធម៍ សិទ្ធិសេរីភាពនិងសមភាពរួម។ ជាចុងក្រោយសូមអោយប្អូនៗទទួលបានសុខភាពល្អទាំងកាយចិត្តនិងជោគជ័យទាំងជីវិតផ្ទាល់ខ្លួន ក្រុមគ្រួសារ និងសង្គមប្រទេសជាតិ។

ដោយសេចក្តីស្រលាញ់ដ៏ស្មោះស្ម័គ្រពីខ្ញុំបាទសេង សុភ័ណ