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Posted by: | Posted on: February 13, 2018

Details of ruling party’s five-year plan to minimise opposition revealed

Op-Ed: Phnom Penh Post

Hun Sen White Paper 2018 in English

Hun Sen White Paper -2018-Khmer_11Feb2018

Cambodia’s ruling party will increase surveillance, shut out any opposition “force” and prevent the spread of information that “twists the truth”, according to their five-year political plan, obtained yesterday by The Post.

Hun Sen is a master of manipulation in Cambodia.

Hun Sen is a master of manipulation in Cambodia.

The Cambodian People’s Party (CPP) Political Programme 2018-2023, adopted at the party’s congress three weeks ago, maps out the government’s next steps in what observers describe as authoritarian – if unsurprising – rhetoric.

Chief among the CPP’s diktats was “to not allow the loophole or space that is used for the creation of the opposition force or any illegal armed force to destroy the achievements and prosperity of the society and the nation”.

“[We] must strengthen the capacity of our surveillance system and the controlling technology system thoroughly, and reduce the risk for society,” another read.

The party’s plan comes during a widespread crackdown on dissent in the Kingdom, with politicians imprisoned, media outlets shuttered and activists seeking refuge abroad. Cambodia’s main opposition – the Cambodia National Rescue Party – was forcibly dissolved in November last year, ahead of upcoming elections.

That crackdown appears set to continue, with the CPP vowing in its plan to “oppose any riot activities, subversion, [and] sabotage of all kinds”, and to “attack their black tricks” – a reference to the frequently invoked accusations of “colour revolution” and “foreign interference” that were used by the ruling party to justify the dismantling of the opposition.

The party will also “prevent and eliminate the dissemination activity to distribute information . . . that is of an inciting nature, that breaks up [society], twists the truth, exaggerates the situation, causes insecurity, disorder or immorality, [or] that breaks the culture or tradition of Cambodia”.

Addressing the armed forces, which are led by CPP stalwarts, the party said it would push for RCAF reforms and demanded they “show the great, absolute loyalty to the nation” and that they “have the willingness to fight absolutely in protecting . . . the legitimate government that was born from the people”.

CPP spokesman Sok Eysan yesterday defended the document’s call for a tighter hold on the political sphere, saying “strengthening power is normal for the one who is in charge of the power, because power comes from the people”.

“A loophole can bring a catastrophe to peace and political stability. We allow opposition, but [only] the opposition that complies with the democratic principles – not an opposition that makes anarchy,” Eysan said.

“If we do not strengthen the control [on surveillance technology], it will become anarchy that impacts and influences the implementation of the democratic rule of law,” he added.

Sebastian Strangio, author of Hun Sen’s Cambodia, said the CPP’s plan came as little surprise given the events of the past six months.

“The plan looks like a roadmap to permanent one party rule, albeit with the cosmetic presence of small opposition parties that will do little to challenge the CPP’s control,” he said in an email.

“Overall, this is consistent with the CPP’s long-held view that any smidgeon of political opposition poses a mortal threat to peace and stability, and that these things can only be guaranteed by the CPP’s monopolization of power.”

But he warned that “the CPP may find that abolishing formal opposition is much easier than abolishing public demand for change” while popular demands for political reform go unaddressed.

Social analyst Meas Nee yesterday observed that the document and its aspirations for consolidating power echoed Cambodia’s situation two decades ago, when the CPP’s then-political rival, Funcinpec – which had beaten the CPP in the 1993 UN-backed elections – was ousted by troops loyal to Prime Minister Hun Sen in bloody fighting.

“This is almost identical to the events happening in 1997, when Funcinpec was destroyed . . . There was the 1997 coup and the 1998 election, but after 1998, Funcinpec was not powerful. The whole of Funcinpec was paralysed,” he said.

Funcinpec indeed slid into irrelevance following 1998, only returning to the political fore after it was granted the bulk of the CNRP’s redistributed National Assembly seats late last year. Funcinpec had failed to win a single seat of its own in 2013, unlike the CNRP, which took 44 percent of the vote and 55 seats.

“I thought this was unique to 1998, but when it came to the events in 2017 . . . the dissolution of the CNRP left them completely paralysed . . . but it is more difficult to dissolve the whole mentality of the CNRP in the public imagination,” Nee said

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Posted by: | Posted on: January 24, 2018

Facebook Corruption

Quotes & Op-Ed from BuzzFeed


facebook-fake-news Facebook has styled itself as a neutral platform for information. But its role in spreading propaganda and fake news, as well as its relationship with the Cambodian government, shows how easily that neutrality can be exploited by autocrats.

Weeks after Kem’s arrest, Cambodia’s top court dissolved the main opposition party at the request of the government. It marked a fundamental shift in Cambodian politics, which had long incorporated a vibrant media and civil society, as well as flawed but fiercely fought elections. Democracy in the country had collapsed, and it was broadcast to millions on Facebook.

Lim Cheavutha, who is in his thirties and speaks with an easy confidence, brags about the pageviews on Fresh News with the passion of a football coach obsessing about stats. The site combines the fast-breaking headlines of a newswire with a decidedly pro-government slant, and Lim says he’s so close to Hun Sen that they sometimes message about stories well past midnight. Asked about the growth of his site, he claims extraordinary numbers that are impossible to verify because the company is privately held — more than 10 million pageviews per month and 1,400 downloads of the app a day. (Cambodia has about 4.8 million Facebook users, according to a 2017 assessment.)

Lim says he built Fresh News from scratch with just $10,000. His critics say this is untrue and that Hun Sen is simply bankrolling the site. (A spokesperson for the prime minister did not respond to requests for comment on the site’s ownership.) Lim insisted his site was independent — but then expressed pride in his cozy relationship with the prime minister and other ruling party officials. The opposition won’t return his messages, he said, though opposition officials told me they’d never heard from Lim.

In a place like Cambodia, Lim’s site couldn’t be successful without Facebook, which is where almost everyone gets their news. “Facebook is an absolute necessity for my site,” he said.

Lim said his most popular stories are about the mundane, like traffic accidents and celebrity gossip. But when it comes to politics, he’s quick to note that he alone has the ear of the prime minister.

“They trust me because if they give me the whole thing, I publish the whole thing,” Lim said. “If he [the prime minister] wants to spread news, he comes to me … that’s why I get scoops.” Despite claiming to be independent, Lim said he does not edit Hun Sen’s statements, and says he puts out quick stories himself, tapping them out on his phone, based on what message the prime minister wants to get out.

It’s clear that Hun Sen, who has spent 33 years in power, understands how important Facebook is in his country. With more than 9 million followers, he is the third most engaged world leader on Facebook, after Donald Trump and India’s prime minister, Narendra Modi, according to a study by the public relations firm Burson-Marsteller. The report called his presence “unusual” in its candidness — browsing through shows plenty of selfies as well as shots of him with his family and working behind the scenes. For Cambodians, it was a change from the strongman-like figure he presented for years before.

“He’s been a zealous convert to Facebook,” said Sebastian Strangio, the author of Hun Sen’s Cambodia. “He’s using Facebook to sand down the rough edges and present a more avuncular and beneficent public image.”

“Facebook is the most important part of work as well as life,” said Duong Dara, an aide to Hun Sen and the head of his Facebook team, in a rare interview. “The new generation doesn’t have time to watch television anymore, even I don’t buy newspapers. The News Feed, I can see quickly.”

Duong, who is in his early forties, first started using Facebook, he said, because he saw posts about Cambodia being a dangerous place to visit and wanted to clap back out of patriotism. Later, he created a fan page for Hun Sen, who he had long supported. He attracted millions of followers with his straightforward voice. After the election in 2013, Hun Sen himself saw it, Duong said, and got in touch.

Duong came on board and began building a team to manage Hun Sen’s Facebook presence. He declined to specify its size, but said the team was made up of technical people as well as those who understand politics, government policy, and public opinion.

Duong, who speaks English with a perfect American-style accent, has traveled throughout his country and abroad at Hun Sen’s side. He carries five mobile phones in a black vinyl case specifically so he can monitor different Facebook accounts. The phones use different cell service providers so that there’s always a guarantee of signal when the prime minister needs to post — even during a recent visit to China, where Facebook is blocked, and in less developed parts of the countryside.

Duong’s team obsessively monitors comments and likes on the prime minister’s posts with the fervor of day traders playing the stock market, trying to replicate successes and interrogate failures. They’ve learned photos that show Hun Sen’s personal side — like selfies or casual snaps — do a lot better than messages about policy.

Duong’s team also monitors Facebook for people posting comments critical of Hun Sen that they feel cross the line.

Read More …

Posted by: | Posted on: January 16, 2018

Cambodia and China: Rewriting (and Repeating) History

Op-Ed: The Diplomat 

A lot has changed in 40 years — but not everything.

Chana's Premier Li Keqiang, center, shakes hands with his counterpart, Nguyen Xuan Phuc, second from left, of Vietnam,  Prayuth Chan-o-cha, left, of Thailand, Hun Sen, second from right, of Cambodia, and Thongloun Sisolith, right, of Laos, before an opening of the 2nd Mekong Lancang Cooperation Leaders’ Meeting, in   Phnom Penh, Cambodia, Wednesday, Jan. 10, 2018. Leaders of nations along Southeast Asia's Mekong River gather Wednesday in the Cambodian capital amid a push by China to build more dams that are altering the water flow and have raised environmental concerns. (AP Photo/Heng Sinith)

Chana’s Premier Li Keqiang, center, shakes hands with his counterpart, Nguyen Xuan Phuc, second from left, of Vietnam, Prayuth Chan-o-cha, left, of Thailand, Hun Sen, second from right, of Cambodia, and Thongloun Sisolith, right, of Laos, before an opening of the 2nd Mekong Lancang Cooperation Leaders’ Meeting, in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, Wednesday, Jan. 10, 2018. Leaders of nations along Southeast Asia’s Mekong River gather Wednesday in the Cambodian capital amid a push by China to build more dams that are altering the water flow and have raised environmental concerns. (AP Photo/Heng Sinith)

Like Pol Pot before him, Hun Sen has now pinned his political longevity on China, which again looks out at a visage of hostile powers across Asia as it seeks to rise to the status of the regional hegemon, and celebrates having a strong ally in Phnom Penh.

The Soviet threat is gone, but Hun Sen’s cantankerous political attacks on all things American in Cambodia, which has tied him to the Chinese for support, might be viewed in much the same way as Pol Pot’s attacks on Vietnam: it’s me, or a pawn of China’s great power rival du jour. 

Though Hun Sen never specified the precise hue of the “color revolution” brewing against him by Cambodia’ popular opposition party as he dismantled the country’s 25-year-old UN-built democracy late last year, his targets both in the opposition and in fragile civil society had a distinct American accent.

The 24-year-old U.S.-owned English-language newspaper-of-record, The Cambodia Daily, was forced to close — but not the Australian-owned Phnom Penh Post. Gone too were radio programs from the U.S.-run Voice of America and Radio Free Asia — along with two of their reporters, who were imprisoned for “espionage” — but not those of Radio France International.

Gone, even, was U.S.-funded National Democratic Institute — even as Germany’s Konrad Adanaeur Institute, which had been actively working with the opposition to develop policies, was left untouched. The message to China would have been clear.

Hun Sen is only the latest in a long line of Cambodian leaders to bank his leadership’s long-term survival and his legacy on the rise of China as the regional power.

Pol Pot, too, was not the first.

King Norodom Sihanouk, the father of Cambodia’s 1953 independence, also moved sharply toward China’s influence late in his rule. He went as far as to sever diplomatic ties with the U.S. in 1965, believing that the future in Asia was with China.

Pol Pot and King Sihanouk were notably both thwarted by competing interests from within their regimes — a pro-U.S. faction represented by the coup leader Lon Nol for Sihanouk in March 1970, and a pro-Vietnamese faction, with Hun Sen among the leaders, in the case of Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge in January 1979.

Hun Sen may well yet prove to have bested both for timing in the China gambit. Yet as a self-proclaimed life-long student of history and geopolitics, he would be forgiven for looking around his party with apprehension.

Continue to read more….

Posted by: | Posted on: January 12, 2018

To Liberate Cambodia

Op-Ed: GlobalResearch

Cambodian Politics

nonviolent-strategy-wheel-large-picture-kh Politically, Cambodians are largely naïve with most believing that they live in a ‘democracy’ despite the absence of its most obvious hallmarks such as civil and political rights, the separation of powers including an independent judiciary, free and fair elections, the right of assembly and freedom of the press (with the English-language newspaper The Cambodia Daily recently closed down along with some radio stations). And this is an accurate assessment of most members of the political leadership of the CNRP as well.

Despite a 30-year record of political manipulation by Hun Sen and the CPP – during which ‘Hun Sen has made it clear that he does not respect the concept of free and fair elections’: see ‘30 Years of Hun Sen: Violence, Repression, and Corruption in Cambodia’ – which has included obvious corruption of elections through vote-rigging but also an outright coup in 1997 and the imprisonment or exile of opposition leaders since then, most Cambodians and their opposition leaders still participate in the charade that they live in a ‘democracy’ which could result in the defeat of Hun Sen and the CPP at a ‘free and fair’ election. Of course, there are exceptions to this naïveté, as a 2014 article written by Mu Sochua, veteran Cambodian politician and former minister of women’s affairs in a Hun Sen government, demonstrates. See ‘Crackdown in Cambodia’.

Moreover, as Sovannarun has noted: most Cambodians ‘still think international pressure is effective in keeping the CPP from disrespecting democratic principles which they have violated up until this day. Right now they wait for US and EU sanctions in the hope that the CPP will step back.’ See, for example, ‘The Birth of a Dictator’. He asks:

‘Even assuming it works, when will Cambodians learn to rely on themselves when the ruling party causes the same troubles again? Are they going to ask for external help like this every time and expect their country to be successfully democratized?’

The problem, Sovannarun argues, is that

‘Cambodians in general do not really understand what democracy is. Their views are very narrow. For them, democracy is just an election. Many news reports refer to people as “voters” but in Khmer, this literally translates as “vote owners” as if people cannot express their rights or power beside voting.’

Fortunately, recent actions by the CPP have led to opposition leaders and some NGOs finally declaring the Hun Sen dictatorship for what it is. See, for example, ‘The Birth of a Dictator’. But for Sovannarun,

‘democratization ended in 1997. The country should be regarded as a dictatorship since then. The party that lost the election in 1993 still controlled the national military, the police and security force, and the public administration, eventually using military force to establish absolute control in 1997. How is Cambodia still a democracy?’

However, recent comprehensive research undertaken by Global Witness goes even further. Their report Hostile Takeover ‘sheds light on a huge network of secret deal-making and corruption that has underpinned Hun Sen’s 30-year dictatorial reign of murder, torture and the imprisonment of his political opponents’. See ‘Hostile Takeover: The corporate empire of Cambodia’s ruling family’ and ‘Probe: Companies Worth $200M Linked to Cambodian PM’s Family’.

So what are the prospects of liberating Cambodia from its dictatorship?

Read more….

Posted by: | Posted on: December 18, 2017

Present Cambodia’s Conundrum and Its Foreseeable Future

Preamble:

This upcoming election of Senate in February 25, 2018 and national election in July 29, 2018 are very questionable on its legitimacy as the key voters of largest opposition party CNRP (tantalizing of 5007 councillors) have been redistributed to other parties especially to the government-led party CPP and the dissolution as well as the banning of 118 core members of the CNRP. The excuse of law ratifying to redistributing seats (both law-makers in the parliament and the lower governance apparatus commune-Sangkat councillors) has been outraged by both the providence of such law amending and nationwide errs. More than that, the international community has ever come to shoulder to respond to this systemic crackdown on the state of democracy and human rights brokering since the first election in 1993 sponsored by the UNTAC.

The strength on his political manoeuvring of Prime Minister Hun Sen through the backing of China and the resistance to reinstating back to the original course from both Cambodian nationals and international community are likely not in equilibrium. Thus, pragmatists see that this imbalance will lead to an uncontested solution.

The Hun Sen’s Strength:

Cambodia Conundrum 1 Cambodia Conundrum 2 Cambodia Conundrum 3 Cambodia Conundrum 6 Cambodia Conundrum 7Prime Minister Hun Sen has been known for his relentless and successful manoeuvring the tactic of “divide and conquer” on his several political contenders. With the increasing of votes towards the opposition CNRP in both national election 2013 and commune-Sangkat election in 2017, the preparedness and implementation on the dissolution of this largest opposition party has been undertaken. There were no doubts on the amendments by single party (CPP) on several laws such as NGOs laws (LANGO), law of labours unions, law of the press and media (sic), and three times adjustment of the law on political party etc.  Mixing his repeated warnings on war if he lost the election to these efforts on law amendments to sideline his opponent is a concerted effort to substantiate the facade of democracy in Cambodia.

With current state of international competitiveness, China publicly announced its support of the dissolution of the CNRP as well as other jailing and threats on the opposition members. The narrative of colour revolution has been made and publicized at large to apply the course of jailing Kem Sokha, president of the CNRP, and the judgement of the Supreme Court to dissolve the CNRP with the conviction of colour revolution to topple a legitimate government.

In hand, Hun Sen has comforted his zone through high ranking positioning of arm-force from his children, to relatives, and to closest loyalists, on key responsibility such as the bodyguard units, the intelligent police, the national police, the military police, and the army. The coffer’s pockets are full of loyal Oknha (entitlement of Lord to cementing patronage beaurocrats of oligarchy) and the key position of treasurers (money’s controllers) of his trust. The governance system of spreading his loyalists to key positions such as the Royal Palace, the Assembly, the Senate, and the Judiciary, the state’s human rights body, the state’s anti-corruption unit, etc., is tangible.

The Convincible Strength: 

The dissolution of the CNRP and the redistributing all those seats is comfortably with no distress of reprisal is known as the physical “winning” of the battle while the destruction and violation on the rule of law as well as the disrespectful to the half-nationwide-population voice of the Cambodian people is the moral “defeating” of the war. The domestic outcry of the people levelling at the state of silence is one of the testimonies of their political maturity. They are silently ready to exercise their voice through secrete ballots. The international community representing over 70% of the earth surface has come out with concrete actions and action-plans to respond to Hun Sen’s manoeuvring.

Cambodia Conundrum 4 Cambodia Conundrum 5Led by the US and EU, the sanction on individuals of the powerful elites of Hun Sen’s administration is not sufficient. The effort to call for the reconvening of the signatory countries of the Paris Peace Agreements is on pending. It is no doubt that H.E. Pan Sosak, Minister of Commerce, wrote a letter to Prime Minister Hun Sen to tell him the truth on the impact of trade loss sanctioned by the US and EU.  It is no doubt that H.E. Tuy Ry, Cambodian commissioner to the United Nations, wrote letter to the Minister of Foreign Affairs on an invitation to join the discussion among permanent member states led by the US and EU at the United Nations this December 19, 2017. It is no doubt that Prime Minister Hun Sen has come out with different scenarios for the reviving of the opposition party by suggesting them to create a new party.

For trade alone, Cambodia can face trade loss up to 75% for its national revenue earned from trade. This huge wealth of exporting major garment and agriculture products to the market in the US and EU have fed the government, the mouth of Oknhas, as well as the hundred thousands garment workers. There are some explanations to seek substitutes to these losses, but in fact, the pain of individual’s visa ban and asset freezing widening to this trade sanctioning etc., is not yet substantial to the loss of political recognition and legitimacy at the present as well as the future.

At least, one year length that UNs postponed the seat of Cambodia during the coupe detat in 1997.  When the political normality was turned to its course, the seat was returned. This time, the crackdown on democracy is tantamount that no one can underestimate the severe reprisal if political normality is not turned to its level.

PPA campaignDomestically, Cambodian population at large has emerged the youngest bulk representing 65% with under 35 years of age. This generation is self-determination seekers, rebellious to entrenching injustice, and championing of the political maturity. Nevertheless, Cambodians overseas who have been known for their advocacy and campaign for the Paris Peace Accords in 1991, have ever come together in the largest force to pushing for democracy improvement in Cambodia. On the International Human Rights Day 10 December 2017, they have travelled from different corners of North America in unison to the White House in Washington DC. to voice their concerns. Thousands of signing of Cambodian people signed www.change.org for the reviving of the Paris Peace Agreements. Legally, political, and economical, Cambodia government is an entity of binding with international community standard, this entity is not solely under Cambodia constitution, but no one can manipulate it for the sake of personal wealth and power at all.

Posted by: | Posted on: December 17, 2017

ដំណោះ​ស្រាយ​១៣​ចំណុច ដែល​​សភា​​អ៊ឺរ៉ុប​អនុម័ត​ដាក់​ប្រឆាំង​រដ្ឋាភិបាល ហ៊ុន សែន

EU Resolution on Cambodia 1 EU Resolution on Cambodia 2 EU Resolution on Cambodia 3 EU Resolution on Cambodia 4សេចក្ដីស្នើដំណោះស្រាយ ទាំង១៣ចំណុច លេខ«RC-B8-0686/2017» ត្រូវបានសមាជិកសភាអ៊ឺរ៉ុបជាច្រើនសិបនាក់ ស្នើឡើងតាំងពីច្រើនថ្ងៃហើយ និងរងការកែតម្រូវជាច្រើនដង មុននឹងសេចក្ដីស្នើដំណោះស្រាយនេះ ចេញជាអត្ថបទផ្លូវការ កាលពីថ្ងៃទី១៣ ខែធ្នូ និងក្លាយជាសេចក្ដីសម្រេច លេខ «P8_TA(2017)0497» ដែលត្រូវបានអនុម័ត ជាឯកច្ឆ័ន្ទ និងជាស្ថាពរ ដោយអង្គប្រជុំនៃសភាអ៊ឺរ៉ុប ក្នុងថ្ងៃទី១៤ ខែធ្នូឆ្នាំ២០១៧។ អត្ថបទសេចក្ដីសម្រេច ត្រូវបានសរសេរបកប្រែ ចេញជា២៣ភាសា ដែលជាភាសាផ្លូវការ របស់បណ្ដាប្រទេសសមាជិក ទាំង២៨ (រាប់ទាំងចក្រភពអង់គ្លេស) នៃសហភាពអ៊ឺរ៉ុប។

ផ្ទុយពីការលើកឡើង របស់ប្រព័ន្ធផ្សព្វផ្សាយក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជា ដែលអះអាងថា នេះគ្រាន់តែជា«ការព្រមាន»នោះ សេចក្ដីសម្រេចខាងលើ មានតម្លៃស្មើនឹងច្បាប់ ហើយនឹងចូលជាធរមានភ្លាមៗ សម្រាប់ឲ្យស្ថាប័នអ៊ឺរ៉ុបដែលពាក់ព័ន្ធ យកទៅអនុវត្តន៍ បន្ទាប់ពីអង្គសភាអ៊ឺរ៉ុប បានបោះឆ្នោតអនុម័តរួច។

មុននឹងឈានដល់ដំណោះស្រាយ ទាំង១៣ចំណុច អត្ថបទសេចក្ដីសម្រេច បានសរសេរយោង និងបានឃើញ ពីសន្ធិសញ្ញា កិច្ចព្រមព្រៀង សេចក្ដីប្រកាសរួម ជាលក្ខណៈអន្តរជាតិជាច្រើន ដែលកម្ពុជាបានផ្ដល់សច្ចាប័ន (មានទាំងកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសន្តិភាពក្រុងប៉ារីស ឆ្នាំ១៩៩១) ច្បាប់រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញកម្ពុជា និងយោងតាមមាត្រាមួយចំនួន នៃធម្មនុញ្ញអ៊ឺរ៉ុប ក៏ដូចជាបទបញ្ជាផ្ទៃក្នុង របស់សភាអ៊ឺរ៉ុបនោះផង។ បន្ទាប់មកសេចក្ដីសម្រេចនោះ បានសរសេរគូសបញ្ជាក់ អំពីរាល់ទឡ្ហីករណ៍ សក្ខីកម្ម បញ្ហា ទង្វើ និងសកម្មភាព ដែលទើបនឹងកើតឡើងចុងក្រោយបង្អស់ នៅក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជា ហើយដែលបង្កឲ្យមានដំណើរដើរថយក្រោយ នៃលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ រហូតក្លាយជាវិបត្តិនយោបាយ ដ៏ស្រួចស្រាវក្នុងពេលនេះ។

ពីរដ្ឋធានីប៉ារីស ប្រទេសបារាំង ទស្សនាវដ្ដីមនោរម្យ.អាំងហ្វូ សូមបកប្រែក្រៅផ្លូវការ នូវដំណោះស្រាយទាំង១៣ចំណុចនេះ ជូនប្រិយមិត្តអ្នកអាន ដូចខាងក្រោម៖

សភាអ៊ឺរ៉ុប៖

១) សំដែងនូវការព្រួយបារម្ភ ដ៏ជ្រាលជ្រៅ បន្ទាប់ពីការរំលាយគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ – សំដែងនូវការសោកស្ដាយយ៉ាងខ្លាំង ចំពោះការហាមឃាត់គណបក្សនេះ ដែលបង្ហាញពីសញ្ញាមួយ នៃអំណាចផ្ដាច់ការ របស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ហ៊ុន សែន – ទាមទារទៅរដ្ឋាភិបាលកម្ពុជា ឲ្យដកចេញវិញ នូវការសម្រេចរំលាយគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ, ឲ្យសមាជិករបស់គណបក្សនេះ ត្រឡប់ចូលទៅកាន់តំណែង នៅក្នុងរដ្ឋសភាជាតិនិងនៅក្នុងឃុំសង្កាត់វិញ, ឲ្យមានការចូលរួម ដោយពេញលេញ ពីបណ្ដាគណបក្សប្រឆាំងទាំងអស់ នៅក្នុងជីវិភាពសាធារណៈ, ឲ្យធានាបាន នូវសេរីភាពរបស់ប្រព័ន្ធផ្សព្វផ្សាយ និងក្រុមអង្គការសង្គមស៊ីវិល,និងឲ្យបិទបញ្ចប់នូវបរិយាកាសបំភិតបំភ័យ និងការឹតត្បិត ដែលសុទ្ធសឹងជាយន្ដការដ៏ចាំបាច់ សម្រាប់ការរៀបចំការបោះឆ្នោត សេរី បើកចំហរ និងប្រកបដោយតម្លាភាព។

២) បញ្ជាក់ជាថ្មីទៀត ពីការខ្វល់ខ្វាយដ៏ខ្លាំងក្លា ដូចដែលសភាអ៊ឺរ៉ុបធ្លាប់បានលើកឡើង នៅក្នុងដំណោះស្រាយលើកមុនៗហើយ នៅចំពោះការដើរថយក្រោយ និងសភាពកាន់តែអាក្រក់ នៃស្ថានភាពរបស់អ្នកនយោបាយប្រឆាំង ក្រុមសកម្មជនការពារសិទ្ធិមនុស្ស និងសមាជិករបស់អង្គការសង្គមស៊ីវិល នៅប្រទេសកម្ពុជា។

៣) គាំទ្រទាំងស្រុងនូវប្រសាសន៍របស់ស្នងការជាន់ខ្ពស់ របស់អង្គការសហប្រជាជាតិ ទទួលបន្ទុកផ្នែកសិទ្ធិមនុស្ស ទាក់ទងនឹងភាពមិនច្បាស់លាស់ នៃការចោទប្រកាន់ ប្រឆាំងនឹងគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ និងសមាជិករបស់គណបក្សនេះ ក៏ដូចជាបទបញ្ញត្តិច្បាប់ ដែលត្រូវបានយកមកប្រើប្រាស់ជាមូលដ្ឋាន សម្រាប់រំលាយគណបក្សនេះ។

៤) យល់ឃើញថា តុលាការកំពូលកម្ពុជា បានជ្រៀតជ្រែកដែលមិនអាចទទួលយកបាន ទៅក្នុងសិទ្ធិសេរីភាពរបស់ប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា ដូចជាសិទ្ធិក្នុងការជ្រើសរើសដោយសេរី នូវអ្នកតំណាងផ្នែកនយោបាយរបស់ពួកគេ និងសិទ្ធិក្នុងការបោះឆ្នោត ជ្រើសតាំងអ្នកតំណាងទាំងនោះ សម្រាប់ការបោះឆ្នោតជាតិ ឆ្នាំ២០១៨ – បរិហារពីអវត្តមាន នៃឯករាជ្យភាព និងភាពមិនលំអៀង នៃអំណាចយុត្តិធម៌កម្ពុជា។

៥) ស្នើទៅរដ្ឋាភិបាលកម្ពុជា ឲ្យលុបចោលទាំងអស់ នូវរាល់ច្បាប់ធ្វើវិសោធនកម្មទាំងឡាយ ស្ដីពីគណបក្សនយោបាយ និងស្ដីពីការបោះឆ្នោត ដែល (ការធ្វើវិសោធនកម្មទាំងនោះ) បានកំណត់ព្រំដែន នៃសេរីភាពបញ្ចេញមតិ និងសេរីភាពនយោបាយ។

៦) ថ្កោលទោសយ៉ាងក្លៀវក្លា ការឃាត់ខ្លួនលោក កឹម សុខា និងសកម្មជននយោបាយដទៃទៀត – ទាមទារទៅរដ្ឋាភិបាល ឲ្យលើកចេញជាបន្ទាន់ នូវដីការចាប់ខ្លួន ប្រឆាំងមេដឹកនាំប្រឆាំង លោក សម រង្ស៊ី ក៏ដូចជាការចោទប្រកាន់ទាំងឡាយ ដែលធ្វើឡើងប្រឆាំងរូបលោក, ឲ្យដោះលែងដោយមិនបង្អង់ និងដោយគ្មានលក្ខខណ្ឌ លោក កឹម សុខា និងអ្នកតំណាងរាស្ត្រប្រឆាំងផ្សេងទៀត, និងឲ្យលើកចេញទាំងអស់ នូវការចោទប្រកាន់ទាំងឡាយ ដែលធ្វើប្រឆាំងពួកគេ។

៧) បង្ហាញពីមន្ទិលយ៉ាងធ្ងន់ធ្ងរ ចំពោះភាពទទួលយកបាន និងតម្លាភាព នៃការបោះឆ្នោតជាតិ ឆ្នាំ២០១៨  បន្ទាប់ពីសាលក្រមរបស់តុលាការកំពូល ក្នុងការរំលាយគណបក្សសង្គ្រោះជាតិ – សង្កត់ធ្ងន់ថា ដំណើរការបោះឆ្នោត ដែលគណបក្សប្រឆាំងធំជាងគេ  ត្រូវបានគេរំលាយចោលតាមអំពើចិត្តដូច្នេះ មិនមែនជារឿងស្របច្បាប់នោះទេ ហើយការបោះឆ្នោតប្រកបដោយតម្លាភាព និងប្រកបដោយការប្រកួតប្រជែង គឺជារូបធាតុដ៏សំខាន់ ក្នុងការធានាសន្តិភាព និងស្ថេរភាពនៅក្នុងប្រទេស និងតំបន់ទាំងមូល។

៨) ស្វាគមន៍ចំពោះសេចក្តីសម្រេចចិត្ត របស់សហភាពអឺរ៉ុប ក្នុងការព្យួរជំនួយ សម្រាប់ការបោះឆ្នោតទាំងអស់ រហូតទាល់តែកម្ពុជាធ្វើការកែទម្រង់ ស្របតាមស្តង់ដារនៃការបោះឆ្នោតអន្តរជាតិ ដើម្បីជំរុញលទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ និងការពារសកម្មភាពស្របច្បាប់ របស់សង្គមស៊ីវិល។

៩) អំពាវនាវដល់អនុប្រធានគណៈកម្មការអ៊ឺរ៉ុប / តំណាងជាន់ខ្ពស់នៃសហភាពអ៊ឺរ៉ុប ទទួលបន្ទុកកិច្ចការបរទេស និងនយោបាយសន្តិសុខ អ្នកស្រី ហ្វេដឺរីកា ម៉ូហ្គេរីនី (Federica Mogherini) ក៏ដូចជាតំណាងពិសេស របស់សហភាពអឺរ៉ុប ទទួលបន្ទុកសិទ្ធិមនុស្ស ក្នុងការប្រើប្រាស់នូវគ្រប់មធ្យោបាយដែលមាន ដើម្បីការពារសិទ្ធិជាមូលដ្ឋាន របស់ប្រជាជនកម្ពុជា ជាពិសេសសិទ្ធិរបស់ពួកគេ ក្នុងការជ្រើសរើសតំណាងនិងសិទ្ធិក្នុងការឈរឈ្មោះជាតំណាង ដើម្បីធានាឲ្យមាន នូវភាពចំរុះនិងគោលការណ៍ប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ ស្របទៅតាមរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញរបស់ប្រទេសកម្ពុជា។

១០) រំលឹករដ្ឋាភិបាលកម្ពុជា ថាខ្លួនត្រូវតែបំពេញកាតព្វកិច្ច និងការសន្យារបស់ខ្លួន ទាក់ទងនឹងគោលការណ៍លទ្ធិប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ និងសិទ្ធិមនុស្សជាមូលដ្ឋាន ដែលជាធាតុដ៏សំខាន់ នៃកិច្ចព្រមព្រៀងសហប្រតិបត្តិការ (រវាងសហភាពអ៊ឺរ៉ុប និងកម្ពុជា)។

១១) គូសបញ្ជាក់ឲ្យច្បាស់ថា ការគោរពសិទ្ធិមនុស្សជាមូលដ្ឋាន ជាលក្ខខណ្ឌដ៏ចាំបាច់ ដើម្បីឲ្យប្រទេសកម្ពុជាបន្តទទួលបាន ផលប្រយោជន៍ពីកម្មវិធីអនុគ្រោះ ដែលមានឈ្មោះថា «អ្វីៗទាំងអស់លើកលែងតែអាវុធ» របស់សហភាពអឺរ៉ុប – ស្នើទៅអ្នកស្រី ហ្វេដឺរីកា ម៉ូហ្គេរីនី (ដែលមានតំណែង ដូចបានជម្រាបខាងលើរួច) និងស្នងការជាន់ខ្ពស់អ៊ឺរ៉ុប ទទួលបន្ទុកផ្នែកពាណិជ្ជកម្ម អ្នកស្រី អាណា សេស៊ីលីយ៉ា ម៉ាសស្ត្រម(Anna Cecilia Malmström) ឲ្យពិនិត្យឡើងវិញ ដោយមិនបង្អង់យូរ ពីកាតព្វកិច្ចរបស់ប្រទេសកម្ពុជា នៅក្នុងក្របខណ្ឌ នៃអនុសញ្ញាដែលពាក់ព័ន្ធ ដូចមានចែងក្នុងមាត្រា ១៩ នៃកម្មវិធីអនុគ្រោះ «អ្វីៗទាំងអស់លើកលែងតែអាវុធ» – ស្នើដោយទទូចថាប្រព័ន្ធអនុគ្រោះឲ្យរួចពន្ធ ត្រូវបានដកចេញជាបណ្ដោះអាសន្ន ពីប្រទេសកម្ពុជា ប្រសិនណាជាប្រទេសនេះ មិនគោរពកាតព្វកិច្ចរបស់ខ្លួន នៅក្នុងក្របខណ្ឌ នៃអនុសញ្ញាខាងលើ។

១២) អញ្ជើញ«ការិយាល័យអ៊ឹរ៉ុប ដើម្បីកិច្ចការខាងក្រៅ (The European External Action Service ហៅកាត់ EEAS – ហៅកាត់ជាភាសាបារាំង SEAE)» និងគណៈកម្មការអ៊ឺរ៉ុប ឲ្យរៀបចំបញ្ជីឈ្មោះ នៃមន្ត្រីកម្ពុជាទាំងឡាយណា ដែលទទួលខុសត្រូវ ចំពោះការរំលាយគណបក្សប្រឆាំង និងការរំលោភបំពានសិទ្ធិមនុស្សធ្ងន់ធ្ងរដទៃទៀត នៅក្នុងប្រទេសកម្ពុជា ដើម្បីឈានទៅដាក់កំហិត ផ្នែកទិដ្ឋាការ (ហាមឃាត់ចូលទឹកដីអ៊ឺរ៉ុប) និងការបង្កកទ្រព្យសម្បត្តិរបស់ពួកគេ។

១៣) ចាត់ឲ្យប្រធានសភាអ៊ឺរ៉ុប ត្រូវបញ្ជូនច្បាប់នេះ ទៅកាន់ក្រុមប្រឹក្សាអ៊ឺរ៉ុប, ទៅកាន់គណៈកម្មការអ៊ឺរ៉ុប និងអនុប្រធានគណៈកម្មការ / តំណាងជាន់ខ្ពស់ នៃសហភាពអ៊ឺរ៉ុប សម្រាប់កិច្ចការបរទេស និងនយោបាយសន្តិសុខ, ទៅកាន់ការិយាល័យសកម្មភាពខាងក្រៅ របស់សហភាពអឺរ៉ុប, ទៅកាន់អគ្គលេខាធិការ នៃសមាគមប្រជាជាតិអាស៊ីអាគ្នេយ៍ (ASEAN), ទៅកាន់រដ្ឋាភិបាល នៃប្រទេសជាសមាជិក និងទៅកាន់សភា នៃប្រទេសជាសមាជិក របស់សហភាពអ៊ឺរ៉ុប, និងជាចុងក្រោយ ត្រូវបញ្ជូនសេចក្ដីសម្រចដំណោះស្រាយនេះ ទៅកាន់រដ្ឋាភិបាល និងរដ្ឋសភាជាតិកម្ពុជា៕

Op-Ed: monoroom.info

European Parliament resolution on Cambodia 14th Dec 2017

European Parliament Resolution on Cambodia NGO & Trade Union Law_P8_TA(2015)_0277

European Parliament Resolution on Cambodia Political Situation_P8_TA(2015)0413

European Parliament Resolution on Cambodia_CaseofKemSokha_P8_TA-PROV(2017)0348

European Parliament Resolution on Cambodia_LANGO&Union&AssociationLaw_P8_TA(2016)0274