February, 2017
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Cambodia’s bottom-line people have been negligent by the Royal Government
នេះជាទិដ្ឋភាពមួយក្នុងស្រុកចំការលើ ខេត្តកំពង់ចាម។ កាលនៅមធ្យមសិក្សា គ្រូបង្រៀនថាដើម្បីធ្វើអោយសេដ្ឋកិច្ចរីកចំរើន ជីវភាពប្រជាជនមានបានប្រកបដោយភាពថ្លៃថ្នូ ត្រូវផ្តោតទៅលើឧស្សាហកម្ម ដោយលើកឧទាហរណ៏អំពីដីក្រហមកំពង់ចាម ក្រចេះ រតនគីរី ស្ទឹងត្រែង និងមណ្ឌលគីរីជាដើម។ គ្រូប្រាប់ថាដំណាំកៅស៊ូខ្មែរលេខ១លើលោក។
ថ្ងៃនេះខ្ញុំឃើញជាក់ស្តែង។ ដំណាំកៅស៊ូខ្មែរក៏ដូចជាដំណាំស្រូវនៃកសិករខ្មែរ គឺស្ថិតនៅលើប្រភេទដំណាំជាលក្ខណះគ្រួសារនិងពឹងពាក់ទាំងស្រុងទៅលើមេឃ-ដី-ភ្លៀង តាមធម្មជាតិតែប៉ុណ្ណោះ។ ការដាំដុះតាមបែបប្រពៃណីទាំងផ្នែកឧស្សាហកម្ម និង កសិកម្មទាំងនេះមិនអាចរំដោះកម្ពុជាចេញពីភាពក្រីក្របានទេ។
១. បញ្ហាទី១ ប្រជាជនខ្វះចំណេះដឹងនិងធនធានហិរញ្ញវត្ថុ និយាយអោយចំគឺប្រជាជនខ្វះទីពឹងនិងជ្រោមជ្រែងពីខាងក្រៅជាពិសេសពីរាជរដ្នាភិបាល។
២. បញ្ហាទី២ គឺទីផ្សាយកម្ពុជាជាទីផ្សានាំចូល មិនមែនជាទីផ្សានាំចេញទេ។ ទំនិញកម្ពុជាមិនអាចប្រកួតប្រជែងជាមួយប្រទេសជិតខាងបានស្មើមុខស្មើមាត់សោះ ហើយផលិតសម្រាប់តំរូវការទីផ្សារក្នុងស្រុកក៏មិនកើតដែរ នៅពេលដែលក្រុមហ៊ុនធំៗក្នុងស្រុកមួយចំនួនធំចូលចិត្តនាំសម្ភារៈដើមក្រៅស្រុកមកប្រើ។ ទីផ្សាចង្អៀតណែនបែបនេះ រំពឹងអ្វីដល់ការលើកកំពស់ជីវភាពដល់អ្នកដាំស្រូវនិងអ្នកដាំកៅស៊ូ។
៣. បញ្ហាទី៣ គឺកម្ពុជាសំបូរទៅដោយមេដឹកនាំអួត ដូចជាអួតអំពីអង្គរវត្ត អួតអំពីសមិទ្ធិផលថ្មីៗដោយប្រៀបធៀបទៅនឹងសង្គ្រាមប្រល័យពូជសាសន៌ និងអួតអំពីផ្ទះវីឡា រថយន្តទំនើប និងអង្គរក្សអ្នកបម្រើឆ្វេងស្តាំរបស់ខ្លួន ដោយគ្រាន់តែរកទីផ្សារឬបង្កើតទីផ្សារ ឬបង្កើតធនាគារកំចីដោយយកការប្រាក់ទាបដល់អ្នកដាំស្រូវនិងអ្នកដាំកៅស៊ូមិនបានផង។ បើខ្ញុំជាមេដឹកនាំទទូលខុសត្រូវវិញ បើធ្វើប៉ុណ្ណេះមិនបាន ខ្ញុំជ្រមុជទឹកបាតពាងសំឡាប់ខ្លួនល្អជាង។
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This a view of rubber plantation in Chamkar Leou district, Kampongcham. When I was in high school, teachers taught that if we want to uplift the livelihood of the Cambodian people, we must focus on industry by giving example of brown fertile lands in Kampongcham, Kratie, Ratanakiri, Stung Traeng, and Mondolkiri. They said Cambodia rubber is number one in the world.
Today, I am eyes-witnessing it. Cambodia rubber plantation is like rice-stalk plantation of Khmer farmers which are categorized in family harvesting and the growing is wholly depending on sky-soil-rain of this natural dependency. The crops depends on tradition like this couldn’t uplift Cambodian people from poverty.
1. First challenge: Cambodian people are shortcoming of knowledge and financing especially lacking external supports particularly the Royal Government of Cambodia.
2. Second challenge: Cambodia’s market is the import market, not export market. Cambodia’s products 
couldn’t compete with neighboring countries. To produce for domestic demand is irrelevant as well, as many giant companies prefer to import raw materials for its processing. This type of scarcity and squeezing space of Cambodia market, Cambodian rice farmers and rubber plant growers are hopeless to escape from poverty.
3. Third challenge: Cambodia is rich of bragging leaders such as bragging about the greatness of Angkor Wat, bragging about their new achievements by comparing them to that of genocidal regime, and bragging about their luxury cars, villas, and escorts-servants etc. If leaders couldn’t make market, or seek market, or create cheap interest loan (bank) for the rice farmers and rubber plant growers, those leaders should just soak head into bottom of water jar to commit suicide
Australia silent as Cambodia’s Hun Sen deals final blow to democracy
Australia silent as Cambodia’s Hun Sen deals final blow to democracy
Comment: 22 February 2017
Op-Ed: TheAge.Com
Prime Minister Hun Sen has remained in power beyond the time of any of the world’s democratic leaders through use of politically motivated violence, control of security forces and the courts, and massive corruption.
Still to this day, I am haunted by the image of a pretty young girl sitting in shock amid the blood and debris of a grenade attack on an anti-government rally in a park across from the Royal Palace on March 30, 1997, in which 16 people were killed and 120 injured.
Bangkok: Twenty per cent of Cambodians live in poverty. Forty-two per cent of children under five years old are malnourished and stunted. More than half of Cambodians lack access to toilets and sanitation.
For three decades Hun Sen has ruled Cambodia with the tacit backing of foreign countries sympathetic to the leader of a nation emerging from genocide and civil war.
Australia has long being at the forefront of a donor-nation generosity that has seen billions of dollars pour in to help Cambodia’s 16 million people.
Since 2014 in particular Australia has showered diplomatic praise and an additional $40 million on Hun Sen and his ministers in return for Cambodia accepting what has turned out to be only a handful of refugees from Nauru.
Canberra is sending $90 million of taxpayers’ money to the country this financial year alone to contribute to what the Department of Foreign Affairs claims will be the country’s “greater prosperity”.
But the reality is very different.
Prime Minister Hun Sen has remained in power beyond the time of any of the world’s democratic leaders through use of politically motivated violence, control of security forces and the courts, and massive corruption.
Still to this day, I am haunted by the image of a pretty young girl sitting in shock amid the blood and debris of a grenade attack on an anti-government rally in a park across from the Royal Palace on March 30, 1997, in which 16 people were killed and 120 injured.
The girl was smiling, unaware of the calamity around her.
I looked down and saw she had no legs. She died on the way to hospital.
The level of corruption in the country that Australia’s Coalition government has made one of its closet allies in Asia – for political gain at home – is staggering.
The amendment of law on political parties is unconstitutional
Political Paradigm of Pragmatism from the Khmer Youth part 99
This part (99), Mr. Sophan analysed two outstanding issues happening in Cambodia i.e. the resignation of Sam Rainsy from CNRP and the amendment of political parties law by the order of Prime Minister Hun Sen.
Sam Rainsy’s resignation happened amid attempt to dissolve Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) through law amending of political party crafted in 1998. The amending was carried out by the law-makers from CPP solely after Hun Sen stated in his speech during a session of parliamentary meeting. That session was succeeded in dissolving majority and minority mechanism in the parliament strengthened parliamentary institution. In his speech as the law was amended clearly showed that a political party could be easily dissolved if 1. President is found guilty in a convicted crime, 2. Vice President is found guilty in a convicted crime, 3. Permanent member is found in a convicted crime, 4. Committee member is found in a convicted crime, 5. Party is found in secession activity, incitement, or threat to national security, and 6. Party is found receiving fund or financial support from foreigner etc. The definition of the new amended law is very vague and could be easily interpreted by the powerful to fit their desire. More than this, high court is not only responsible to judge the case, the Ministry of Interior has leverage to bring case to the court as well as to conduct its task directly. Sam Rainsy resigned earliest to save his party from dissolving. Sam Rainsy has been convicted in the defamation lawsuit and the court convicted him to criminal jailing and huge compensation to the plaintiff.
For the amended law on political parties, it has been vastly condemned by national and international community. This law is a preemptive tactic Hun Sen is undergoing to ensure the vast loss of popularity of his leadership. It has amended in just few months before the commune election in June 4, 2017 and the national election in 2018.
“This day will be remembered for the triumph of dictatorship over the dream of the Paris Peace Accords for a rights respecting, multi-party democracy,” said Phil Robertson, deputy Asia director for Human Rights Watch. “It’s no exaggeration that these amendments are like a gun aimed straight at the heart of the opposition party, leaving only the question of when and on what grounds this political execution will take place,”
Read this link for this new amended law drafting in Khmer and in English
Cambodia: Parliament Approves Rules Allowing For Dissolution Of Opposition Parties
Cambodia: Parliament Approves Rules Allowing For Dissolution Of Opposition Parties
Op-Ed: Stratfor: Situation Reports
Already, CNRP pressure has managed to get CPP to move elections forward from July to February 2018. As the vote approaches, the pressure on the CPP will only mount. Cambodia’s economy is growing, a boon for the establishment, but its benefits have been felt unevenly. Moreover, the growth is leading to demographic and workforce changes that could prove challenging for the government to manage, creating new constituencies to please or neutralize. The majority of Cambodians now have no memory of the conflict period — or the Khmer Rouge — and have less tolerance for the abuses of power that come with a stabilizing strongman. Cambodia also has a large non-profit community and, with increasing Internet access, more awareness of international norms. More tangibly, the populations of Cambodia’s cities are growing and, with the industrial workforce concentrated in Phnom Penh, increasingly throwing their weight behind the CNRP.
But this framework of power has proved increasingly challenging to maintain, particularly as the peace dividend Hun Sen deftly exploited in the initial post-war era fades. Of the four general elections held since Hun Sen came to power, virtually all have been plagued by fraud allegations, contentious negotiations and government interference — the price of centralized rule. The biggest challenge to Hun Sen’s continued rule came three years ago. In the July 2013 elections, the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP) won 55 seats in parliament, including 22 from the CPP — the strongest-ever performance for a Cambodian opposition party. Still, the vote was marred by irregularities, compelling opposition leader Sam Rainsy to stage massive protests in the capital of Phnom Penh. (Rainsy, a former finance minister and lawmaker, has been trying to unseat Hun Sen since 1998.)
VS
In fact, over the past five years, Hun Sen has further centralized the government around himself, chiefly by placing family members in key government positions. His oldest son, Lt. Gen. Hun Manet, is deputy commander of a powerful praetorian guard that rivals the national military. Two other sons have also risen to the rank of general. All have been touted as potential successors. Meanwhile, the CPP establishment elite is deeply entrenched in the political and economic system, with deep bureaucratic ties. Moreover, Cambodia is ethnically homogenous, without the major regional cleavages of Thailand, Myanmar and Vietnam. With a strong grip on the military, rural electorate and bureaucracy, there have been no real institutional competitors to the CPP in Cambodia.
Read details and make reference at Stratfor