January, 2017

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Posted by: | Posted on: January 31, 2017

Cambodian leaders and educators must be aware and serious on building up critical thinking

Political Paradigm of Pragmatism from the Khmer Youth part 97

This part (97), Mr. Sophan analysed on shortcoming of “critical thinking” among Cambodian citizens especially public leaders, educators, and general citizens.

Courtesy: educatorstechnology.com

Courtesy: educatorstechnology.com

Up to today, the pure democracy has not existed in this world. Up to today, the pure communism has not existed in this world. The middle path engagement has been visible everywhere. But those countries that are moving away from this middle path are practically fragile states or failed states respectively. Our well-known ancient political philosophers such as Plato said “you should not honor men more than truth”, or legendary Socrates who accepted to die than giving up his “true word”, or Lord Buddha who advocated for “Dhamma-thepady Democracy or Dhamma Supremacy Democracy” since thousand centuries ago, have lighted up till today. Dhamma Supremacy Democracy literally means “rule of laws democracy”. In practice, Bhikkhu monks used major consensus to make decision-making upon well-adopted Vinaya or rule of laws. At least, there are three levels of “rule of laws” taught by Lord Buddha: the conventional truth or man-made rule of laws (Vinaya or disciplinary discourse), natural truth of rule of laws (Dhamma or natural truth of long discourse”, and ultimate truth or ultimate rule of laws (Abbhidhamma or ultimate truth of metaphysic discourse”. Buddha also addressed the three majority policy such as self supremacy (Atta-thepady), populace supremacy (Loka-thepady), and Dhamma supremacy (Dhamma-thepady) which he concluded that all those supremacy are beneficial by resembling within the line of “rule of laws” or Dhamma, not a single identity.

Look at Cambodia, there seems no core value of “rule of laws” have been embedded. Many civilized nations have evolved their political arguments into monarchy, republican, democrat, or conservative etc. to maximize the interest of their nations. But Cambodia has likely evolved into more self-inflicting political argument than those progressive political embeddedness. While Cambodia has adopted conventional man-made truth (rule of laws) called “Constitution” in 1993, none of the powerful leader has ever dedicated himself to build this truth for this country. As a result, the embeddedness of disarrayed citizenship has been omnipresent displayed. For instance, when two Cambodians are facing road-accident argumentation with each other, the two shall accuse each other to seek “wrong” and “right” rarely upholding principle to depend on nation-state’s rule of laws. And for the powerful leader(s), they will use “rule by laws” to accuse or punish individuals or “inferiors” at their helm to legitimize righteousness like what Khmer saying popularly coined “not kick the ball but the player”. Constitution has been born by the attempt of “critical thinking” but the Constitutional Council, the three branches of government, and the citizens in general, are running out their inner “critical thinking”.

Posted by: | Posted on: January 31, 2017

What are the lessons of Gambia for Cambodia?

Op-Ed: The Phnom Penh Post

What are the lessons of Gambia for Cambodia?

Senegalese soldiers of ECOWAS’s forces arrive in Banjul, Gambia, as they drive to secure the Statehouse on Sunday. Carlos de souza/AFP

Senegalese soldiers of ECOWAS’s forces arrive in Banjul, Gambia, as they drive to secure the Statehouse on Sunday. Carlos de Souza/AFP

The recent peaceful transfer of power in Gambia, where former president Yahya Jammeh ceded power to the newly elected leader Adama Barrow without bloodshed, has caught people’s attention around the world, especially at a time when good news is in short supply. Cambodian political observers should pay particular notice.

With the next parliamentary elections only 18 months away, Cambodia can learn vital lessons from the Gambia crisis, especially given that the potential electoral imperative to transfer power has overshadowed elections past and future.

In particular, Cambodia needs to avoid what Dr Solomon Dersso, a legal scholar and analyst of African affairs, calls “the curse of an authoritarian electoral defeat”. This is a curse that plagues any country with long authoritarian rule, where questions about the fate of the outgoing leader and about the transition from authoritarian to democratic politics remain unresolved.

There are of course some major differences between the two countries: It is almost inconceivable that Thailand or Vietnam, China or the US would militarily intervene in Cambodia in the event of a severe political crisis or stalemate. Those days would seem to be long gone in Southeast Asia. Indeed, what the Gambia situation indubitably shows is that concerted and coordinated regional action – backed up by real military muscle – reaps significant dividends in terms of peace, security and democracy. Economic Community Of West African States (ECOWAS) played its hand brilliantly and is a lesson to regional bodies all over the world.

Unfortunately, with so few democracies to its name, ASEAN suffers hugely by comparison with ECOWAS, which adopted a proactive, principled and resolute stance in the Gambia crisis. ASEAN would appear years away from such progressive action. Internal measures are therefore of particular importance.

First and foremost, Cambodia needs to do something unprecedented: Both parties should meet in advance of the elections to discuss and negotiate the terms of a potential transfer of power in the event of a CNRP victory in 2018.

What might such terms entail? Former president Jammeh’s eventual decision to cede power, after intense negotiations with ECOWAS and the opposition, shows that incumbent leaders respond well to three vital assurances that a responsible political opposition should make in good faith: (1) that there will be no reprisals legal or otherwise against them following a transfer of power; (2) that their assets will be left unmolested; and (3) that they will receive a secure retirement with full benefits as appropriate to their position as citizen, party leader and former head of state.

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Posted by: | Posted on: January 30, 2017

Remember Chea Vichea, Remember Politics of Fear in Cambodia

Political Paradigm of Pragmatism from the Khmer Youth part 96

This part (96), Mr. Sophan invited every Cambodian citizen to remember Chea Vichea whose death has been very controversial during this 13 years of his anniversary. As of today, the authority can only inform his relatives and sympathizers on their ongoing investigation into the murdering by having never disclosed the progress and eliminated this culture of impunity.

Chea Vichea in 13 Years by CambodiaDaily

Chea Vichea in 13 Years by CambodiaDaily

The authority has likely embedded ill-will towards the dead and the supporters. This impunity has been a tool to continue “politics of fear” that has been well utilized by Hun Sen administration. Just reminding to the three well-known activists i.e. Chea Vichea who was President of Garment Labors Union, Chhut Wutty who is the environmentalist, and recently Kem Ley who is the social researcher and public commentator, it is sufficient to conclude that the aim and attempt of this continuing impunity is planned as an effective tool to shut down “freedom of expression” and to embed the “politics of fear” in Cambodia.

According to criminal law of Cambodia, the length of after 15 years in any crime case, it could be closed down in investigating and unearthing the motives, which is to make a non-stopped sarcasm of the justice system of this nation.

Posted by: | Posted on: January 30, 2017

The lie behind GDP: Why four in five Cambodians are missing out

Rural Cambodians make up almost 80% of the population but, unlike their fellow countrymen in the cities, are held back with poor or limited public services and a lack of transparency in government policies. 

By Tan Zhi Xin

Cambodia is one of the fastest expanding economies in the world. It has been growing at 7% or more each year since 2004, largely driven by agricultural development and has seen per-capita income rises, life expectancy increases, and its highest-ever literacy rate. This rapid economic growth has lifted five million people out of poverty, many of which are joining 21% of the country’s 15 million citizens by migrating to its capital city for better opportunities.

And the country is proud of its achievements, particularly in achieving the global Millennium Development Goal (MDG) of halving poverty. Its rate of improvement in this has been dramatic, falling from 53% in 2004 to 17.7% in 2012.

A reduction in poverty rates is not the whole story

However, these figures are misleading. People have merely transited from below the “poverty” line to below the “vulnerable poverty” line. Of the 15 million inhabitants, two million are considered to be in the “poverty” zone where they live on US$2 a day, but more than eight million are near-poor, living on less than US$2.60.

“The loss of just 1,200 riels (30 US cents) per day in income would throw an estimated three million Cambodians – 20% of the population – back into poverty, doubling the poverty rate to 40%,” explains Neak Samsen, a poverty analyst with the World Bank in Cambodia.

Growth is uneven

At the same time, Cambodia is also a country of rising inequality. While the capital city is transforming into a city filled with high-rise luxury apartments, imported cars, and western-style shopping malls, rural areas continue to be left out. Poverty is highly-concentrated in these areas, affecting 79% of citizens. These people are mostly subsistence farmers, members of poor fishing communities, landless people, displaced persons, and mine victims.

Because they live in remote villages these groups are isolated from basic social services, education and facilities – and some have to walk more than five km to the nearest road. In other words, the economic transformation has resulted in a stark rural-urban divide that continues to widen as Cambodia moves forward. In 2004, the gap was 89%, but in 2011, it widened to 91%.

Land ownership is a contentious issue 

Adding to these problems is the issue of land ownership. Conflict between the government and farmers is common in Cambodia and dates back to the Khmer Rouge regime when most land records were destroyed during the 1975 genocide. As a result, many rural farmers are unable to prove their rightful ownership of the land.

But more serious is the lack of transparency in deals between government and investors that result in the large-scale displacement of the population. As just one example, farmer Phao Nheung from rural Chi Khor Krom commune had her rice field ploughed without her knowledge. Residents from the community said they were not told of the details of the deal signed between the government and investors. “We lost everything. Now we do not have enough to eat,” Nheung, 40, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

Reform and transparency is needed 

Nheung, one of 770,000 victims of the lack of governmental transparency, is now left with just one of her five hectares of land. To tackle this important issue in the future, land contracts must be disclosed to residents so the right people can be found accountable and residents have more leverage to assert their rights. Without this powerful information, farmers and residents are left under-compensated or treated unfairly.

But this is not always the case. Tek Vannara, director of the NGO Forum on Cambodia, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation that the government had begun publishing details of contracts and location of land concessions online, but has stopped doing so since 2009. This practice should be urgently brought back.

Rural tourism is trapping low-income communities

This lack of transparency gives rise to a vicious cycle of poverty in rural areas, made worse by other long-standing barriers that stifle productivity, such as bottlenecks in fertiliser and seed markets, inadequate irrigation systems, a lack of savings and poor access to credit. As a result, small-scale farmers are vulnerable to fluctuations in international rice prices and tourism is becoming an attractive source of revenue.

But the commercialisation of the countryside does not help to alleviate poverty in the way it is meant to. Instead, it reinforces it. Villagers in the often-visited areas are under pressure to stay “primitive and poor” to retain authenticity and continue attracting tourists. As a result, many villagers are inclined to improve their life only marginally to continue capitalising on this lucrative business.

A lack of infrastructure limits opportunities

To make things worse, these communities also suffer from a lack of public infrastructure and services like healthcare and sanitation. This leaves a third of children under five years old stunted, and more than 80% of Cambodians awaiting access to a piped water supply. Meanwhile, hospitals and public schools accessible to the poor are often understaffed and underequipped. Proper roads are also in short supply, meaning farmers have difficulty sending their goods to the market, and children struggle to get to classes.

To fully understand the problem it must also be understood that rural poverty is in large part perpetuated by rampant corruption. According to the 2015 Corruption Perception Index (CPI), Cambodia ranks 150 out of 168 countries regarding graft, with a score of 21 out of 100. This tends to result in unbalanced development, with rural areas at the shorter end of the stick.

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