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THE DUMPLING SHOP OWNER AT THE CENTER OF AN AUTHORITARIAN CRACKDOWN
THE DUMPLING SHOP OWNER AT THE CENTER OF AN AUTHORITARIAN CRACKDOWN
BY JUSTIN HIGGINBOTTOM
The experiment in democracy that is modern Cambodia seems to have hit a bump in the road. Actually, if Cambodian democracy were a car, it would be in a rice-field ditch and the villagers (and international observers) smelling smoke. Twenty-five years after the United Nations Transitional Authority ended its stewardship of the country, and despite having a new constitution, years of relatively free elections and billions of dollars in foreign aid, residents are effectively living under single-party rule. The question on people’s minds is what comes next — a tow truck or an explosion.
One interested observer is Sin Rozeth. The 34-year-old former commune chief and once rising political star was given the same choice as other members of the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party: defect to another party (preferably the ruling Cambodian People’s Party) or get out of politics. Rozeth chose the latter — she opened a dumpling restaurant in her old stomping grounds after the CNRP was forcibly dissolved in November — while looking for a way forward in the face of Cambodia’s increasingly totalitarian environment.
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Sin Rozeth is among those stars of 2007 elect-commune councils who have been speaking the language of bottom line people of Cambodia. They are working as the underdogs to reflect and reduce the autocrats and the children of family elites. Like Rozeth, other young politicians such as Chin Sok Ngeng (Siem Reap),
Mao Phally (Kampong Chhnang),
Siek Chamnab (Siem Reap), just mention a few, they are the future leader, the catalyst of change, and the agent of change, for Cambodia.
Rozeth opened a restaurant to support her mother, and to make up for the loss of her meager public salary. But her accusers say it’s a front for illegal political activities. “If this restaurant is used as a place to gather fire, it is really dangerous for Rozeth and it should not be tolerated,” Chheang Vun, a ruling party lawmaker, posted on Facebook. In response to claims that she’s harboring “rebels,” Rozeth hung a banner outside: “Rozeth’s shop welcomes all guests, but not rebels.” The tongue-in-cheek gesture earned her a reprimand by the city governor, who warned that using such language could damage the kingdom’s reputation. Rozeth says she feels threatened by the ongoing harassment, and a group of former CNRP members sent letters to several international bodies, including the United Nations Human Rights Committee, seeking help in pressuring the government to stop the “bullying.”
In the short term, at least, one-party rule will continue in Cambodia, says Sophal Ear, professor of diplomacy and world affairs at Occidental College. And mounting new opposition will be difficult. ”It’s like razing an old grove forest,” he explains. “You’re not going to get 100-year-old trees. You’ll have young trees, and they’ll be easy to bulldoze if they get too strong.” National elections are scheduled for this summer, and it’s unclear whether CNRP’s former supporters will turn toward another party or abstain from voting, says Sinthay Neb, director of the Advocacy and Policy Institute in Phnom Penh. Whatever happens, he believes the best way forward is for both sides to meet and work together — however unlikely.
For now, Rozeth refuses to give up: “As long as one still has breath, there is still hope for democracy.” She stays busy traveling to villages to perform charity work (this too, she says, is closely monitored). And she helps people who come to her shop, even if it’s only for a good meal.
Before I leave the noodle shop — which has filled with the evening crowd — I take a few photographs of the owner. Other patrons notice and pull out their phones. Seems they all want a selfie with the politician turned restaurateur now under fire.
Can Cambodia’s fractured opposition survive?
Can Cambodia’s fractured opposition survive?
PHNOM PENH, APRIL 5, 2018 3:48 PM (UTC+8)
In America, where many former CNRP officials now find themselves in exile, members of each clique have shared platforms and speaking engagements.
Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha have become figure of change against the status-quo of Hun Sen. The perpetual attempts of Hun Sen to divide them both has been in vain that leading to Hun Sen’s aggressive paranoia to dissolve this party. The author must comprehend this moment that from what Hun Sen did in dissolving the CNRP, the unity and awareness have become greater and sounder in directing this force to bring back Cambodia’s democracy, rule of laws, justice, wealth share fairness, social trust, and sustainable development.
“Is the spirit of the CNRP still alive? Of course it’s still alive. The CNRM intends to be a placeholder for when the CNRP is reconstituted,” says Sophal Ear, associate professor of diplomacy and world affairs at Occidental College at Los Angeles.
The Cambodia National Rescue Party – North America (CNRP-NA), composed of chapters from different American states, was formed after the HRP and SRP merged in 2012. It was formerly the SRP-NA.
But, in 2014, a number of members and state chapters, supposedly those loyal to the HRP, broke away to create the CNRP-USA. Today, this group appears to have remained loyal to those who want to remain under the CNRP banner.
But Phan Prak, a representative of the CNRP-USA, says the organization “is not against the CNRM nor have we ever supported it. The CNRP-USA respects an individual to exercise their rights to join any organizations as they wish.”
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While there are attempts by government-aligned media to portray divisions within the opposition as a sign of its feebleness, another interpretation is that internal disputes ought to be welcomed in any pro-democracy party or movement.
Indeed, a positive reading of current events is that voices ignored in the past are now being allowed to air their thoughts and grievances. Some political analysts think this is an opportunity for a younger generation of opposition figures to emerge.
“It is so important for the opposition party to have new blood in its leadership. Leaders in the opposition party should be the mentors for the new blood,” says Noan Sereiboth, a political blogger.
There are some indications that is happening. Kem Sokha’s eldest daughter, Kem Monovithya, 36, has been one of the most active and vocal figures, meeting with US senators last month and Japanese officials last week. She declined to comment for this article.
At the same time, analysts say there is the danger that if infighting continues there will only be one winner: Hun Sen. If fissures go unresolved then it would be the “nail in the coffin of the one formula that seemed to work: the creation of a unified opposition,” says academic Sophal Ear.
Joint Statement on the Human Rights Situation in Cambodia
Op-Ed: Geneva Switzerland
Item 2 General Debate
37th Session of the Human Rights Council
Geneva, March 21, 2018
Mr. President,
New Zealand makes this statement on behalf of a group of 45 countries; the full version of the statement and the list of supporting delegations will be published on the extranet.
The international community has provided strong support for the development of democracy in Cambodia during the twenty-five years since the Constitution of Cambodia enshrined liberal multi-party democracy. Over the intervening decades, we have applauded the progress Cambodia had made since the signing of the Paris Peace Agreements in 1991. Positive indictors included a relatively successful national election in 2013, and communal elections in 2017.
As we near the elections scheduled for 29 July this year, our previous optimism has been replaced by deep concern about the recent serious decline of civil and political rights in Cambodia. These backward steps include signs of escalating repression of the political opposition, civil society and media. We share the concerns highlighted by the High Commissioner and the Special Rapporteur about actions taken by the Cambodian government that will undermine the conduct of credible, free and fair elections in July. For the Cambodian Government to retain its legitimacy, any elections must be free, fair and credible.
International human rights treaties ratified by Cambodia and the Constitution of Cambodia guarantee, and the ASEAN Human Rights Declaration affirms the rights of freedom of expression, freedom of association, and of citizens to participate in government through free, fair and credible elections that are periodic and transparent. However, we note with particular concern that in recent months:
- There has been a significant clampdown on the press and civil society across the country, including the closure or suspension of several NGOs and independent media companies;
- The Cambodia National Rescue Party leader Kem Sokha was detained on 3 September 2017, and since then has been deprived of his rights including access to his lawyers, and the right to defend himself through legal assistance of his own choosing.
- The court’s continued unwillingness to release Kem Sokha on bail during judicial proceedings is of concern especially in light of his deteriorating health.
- The CNRP was dissolved by the Supreme Court on 16 November, 118 CNRP members were banned from political activity for five years, and the CNRP’s local and national seats were reallocated to unelected members of the ruling and other parties.
We are particularly concerned about the conditions under which opposition leader Kem Sokha is being detained following his arbitrary arrest: he is reportedly in isolation, without adequate access to health care, subjected to intrusive observation, and other conditions, such as constant light. We call for the immediate release of all political prisoners, including Kem Sokha.
We urge Cambodia to:
- Reinstate the CNRP and all elected members to their national and communal seats, and to
- Repeal the amendments to the Law on Political Parties which provided for expansive grounds for the dissolution of political parties.
An electoral process from which the main democratic opposition party has been arbitrarily excluded cannot be considered genuine or legitimate.
We call on the Royal Government of Cambodia to take all measures necessary, before it is too late, to ensure that the 2018 elections are free, fair and credible. In particular, we urge that the elections take place in a peaceful environment without threats, arbitrary arrests or acts of intimidation, and that all international human rights obligations important for successful elections, such as rights to freedom of expression, press, association and peaceful assembly, are respected, protected and fulfilled.
Further, we urge the Royal Government of Cambodia to refrain from using judicial, administrative and fiscal measures as political tools against the opposition, the media, civil society and human rights defenders and to further revise: the Law on Associations and NGOs (LANGO); the Law on Trade Unions; the Cambodian Criminal Code; and recent amendments to the Constitution. The political environment must be one in which opposition parties, civil society and media can function are able to carry out their legitimate roles without fear, threats or arbitrary restrictions.
We were heartened by the UN Special Rapporteur on Cambodia’s country visit that took place from 5-14 March. We strongly encourage the government of Cambodia to pay close attention to the Special Rapporteur’s recommendations from her recent visit. In this regard, we urge Cambodia to take all necessary measures to prevent and deter acts of intimidate and reprisals against those cooperating with the UN human rights mechanisms, including human rights defenders and other civil society actors. We stand ready to support the implementation of assistance that will strengthen Cambodia’s democratic systems.
We urge the continued attention of the international community to the current situation in Cambodia, and we will look to further consideration by the Human Rights Council if the human rights situation does not improve in the lead up to the elections in July. We encourage the High Commissioner for Human Rights to provide an update on the situation in Cambodia in an inter-sessional briefing ahead of the June session of the Human Rights Council.
As Cambodia continues along the path of development, we urge the government to fulfill human rights obligations and commitments, in furtherance of a genuine liberal multi-party democracy as envisaged in the Constitution of Cambodia for the benefit of all Cambodians.
Thank you Mr. President.
More report by Reuters
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ហ្វេសប៊ុករាប់សិបមុឺនដុល្លា និងតាមប្រមាញ់ទិញឡាច់ពីclick farmsផ្សេងៗជាច្រើន។ សព្វថ្ងៃ ផេចរបស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីមានអ្នកឡាច់ច្រើនជាងចំនួនប្រជាជនខ្មែរដែលមានគណនេយ្យហ្វេសប៊ុកទៅទៀតគឺជាង៩លាន៦សែនឡាច់ ដោយស្ថិតិអ្នកប្រើអិនតើនិតនៅកម្ពុជាមានប្រមាណជាង៤លាននាក់ប៉ុណ្ណោះ។ យើងដឹងទាំងអស់គ្នាច្បាស់ណាស់ថាហ្វេសប៊ុកជាអ្នករកសុី អោយតែអោយលុយគេ អ្នកគ្រប់គ្រងឡាច់អាចដាក់តួលេខអោយសម្តេចប៉ុន្មានក៏បានដែរ តែដែលយុវជនដួងតារាធ្វើអោយសម្តេចស្រក់ទឹកភ្នែកពេលក្រោយគឺលុយដែលសម្តេចយកមកប្រើមានប្រភពពីណា? ហើយឡាច់ទាំងនោះជានរណាខ្លះ ពីព្រោះហ្វេសប៊ុកនឹងលាតត្រដាងក្នុងពេលខាងមុខដ៏ឆាប់នេះ។
យុវជនហ្វ្រេសនីវលឹម-ជាវុត្ថា(Lim Cheavutha)
យុវជនម្នាក់នេះគឺជាអ្នកបង្កើតនិងជាប្រធានគ្រប់គ្រងកាសែតអនឡាញហ្វ្រេសនីវដែលគេស្គាល់ថាជាសារនាំពាក្យនិងវេទិកាផ្តាច់មុខរបស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីហ៊ុន-សែន។ អ្នកសារពត៍មានហ្វ្រេសនីវមានតែផ្សាយលើកជើងសម្តេចនិងដៀមដាមអោយក្រុមជំទាស់។ តែអ្វីដែលគួរកត់សម្គាល់គឺក្រុមអ្នកសារពត៍មានលំអៀងឥតខ្ចោះនេះមិនមែនបម្រើតែសម្តេចទេ គឺបម្រើក្រុមដែលធ្វើអោយសម្តេចអស់លក្ខណ៍ទៅថ្ងៃក្រោយដូចគ្នា។ ជាក់ស្តែង ករណីការបាញ់រៈទៅលើក្រុមអ្នកតវ៉ាដីធ្លីជាង២០០នាក់នៅខេត្តក្រចេះកាលពីពេលថ្មីៗនេះ ហ្វ្រេសនីវបានព្យាយាមនិយាយថាគ្មានអ្នកស្លាប់ទេ មានតែរបួសតែពីរនាក់តាមការអៈអាងរបស់អភិបាលខេត្តក៏ដូចជាអាជ្ញាធរ តែធាតុពិតបើតាមទ្រឹស្តីការផ្សំគំនិតគ្នា(conspiracy) ខ្មាន់កាំភ្លើងអាចជាមនុស្សដែលប្រឆាំងសម្តេចប្រាថ្នាចង់អោយប្រជាប្រីយភាពសម្តេចធ្លាក់ចុះក៏ថាបាន ឬក៏អាចជាអ្នកបង្កចលាចលឡើងក្នុងគោលបំណងដើម្បីគ្រប់គ្រងអ្វីមួយ។
ជាតថភាពជាក់ស្តែង លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីមិនដែលមានចិត្តស្ងប់សុខសម្រាប់សុវត្ថិភាពខ្លួនឯងឡើយ តាមរយៈការបង្កើនកំឡាំងអង្គភាពអង្គរក្សផ្ទាល់ខ្លួន ការផ្ទេរសិទ្ធិទៅអោយកូននូវតំណែងសំខាន់ៗក្នុងការការពារសុវត្ថិភាពនិងសន្តិសុខផ្ទាល់ខ្លួនជាដើម។ អ្នកប្រាជ្ញវិទ្យាសាស្ត្រនយោបាយជាច្រើនបានសរសេរថាអំណាចផ្តាច់ការដែលគ្មានច្បាប់ទំលាប់រមែងបញ្ចប់សេចក្តីដោយការវាយប្រហារគ្នាឯងដែលកើតអំពីការមិនទុកចិត្តគ្នាឯង កើនខ្លាំងឡើងៗជារៀងរាល់ថ្ងៃ។ បើមានមនុស្សស្លាប់មែន រដ្ឋាភិបាលក៏ដូចជាអាជ្ញាធរមិនអាចដំរីស្លាប់យកចង្អេរមកបាំងបានទេ។
យុវជនខ្មែរត្រូវបានគេបំពាក់បំប៉ននិងយកមកប្រើអោយអស់សាច់(spoil and exploit)
អ្វីគ្រប់យ៉ាងចាប់ផ្តើមពីបបូរមាត់របស់លោកនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីក្នុងការប្រើភាសាហឹង្សានិងជេរប្រទេច។ ទាំងទូរទស្សន៍ ទាំងការផ្សាយផ្ទាល់ក្នុងបណ្តាញសង្គម មិនដែលឃើញមានការកាត់សំលេងភាសាអសុរសម្តងណាឡើយ(censor)។ យុវជនពីរនាក់ដែលលើកឡើងខាងលើគឺជានិមិត្តរូបបញ្ជាក់អំពីភាពមិនដឹងអ្វី(innocent)របស់ពួកគេ។ ប្រព័ន្ធសង្គម(social foundation) របបសង្គម(social regime) អំណាចនិយម(power and entitlement) និងសម្ភារៈនិយម(materialism) ជាដើម បានលើកទឹកចិត្តអោយពួកគេចេះធ្វើការដើម្បីគោរពតាម ផ្គាប់ផ្គុន និងសហការជាមួយចៅហ្វាយនាយ(obey, submit, cooperate or OSC) ដើម្បីបានមកវិញនូវលាភសក្ការៈ(benefits) ជាជាងប្រកាន់ខ្ជាប់ក្នុងក្រមសីលធម៍(ethical conduct) និងបើកចិត្តទូលាយ(open minded) ដោយមើលឃើញអ្នកភូមិផងរបងជាមួយក៏ដូចជាជនរួមជាតិជាឈាមតែមួយដែលមិនគួរកុហកបោកប្រាស់(deceive) ធ្វើវិទ្ធង្សនា(manipulate) កិបកេង(take advantage) ងប់ងុលជ្រុលនិយម(radical) មិនមានចិត្តមេត្តាករុណា(loving-kindness) ដល់អ្នកទន់ខ្សោយ(the under privileged) និងអត្តទត្ថភាព(selfish) ជាដើម។
ជាលទ្ធផលចុងក្រោយ យុវជនបរិសុទ្ធិ(innocent)បានតែការពារនូវពត៍មានដែលថាគ្មានអ្នកស្លាប់ ហើយអាជ្ញាធរគ្មានកំហុសទោះជាលឺស្នូរកាំភ្លើងច្រើនគ្រាប់យ៉ាងណាក៏ដោយ។ តាមទិដ្ឋភាពសង្គមក៏ដូចជាទិដ្ឋភាពច្បាប់ មន្ត្រីរាជការប៉ូលីទាហានមិនអាចយកកំភ្លើងមកគំរាមកំហែងប្រជាជនស្លូតត្រង់បានទេ។ ការផ្ទុះអាវុធនៅចំពោះមុខប្រជាជនគឺជាការខុសច្បាប់ទាហានធ្ងន់ធ្ងរដែលមេក្រុមឬមេកងពលត្រូវហៅបុគ្គលនោះមកដាក់ទោសទណ្ឌនិងឡើងដល់កំរិតដកចេញពីអង្គភាពតែម្តងបើទាហាននិងមេទាហាននោះមានវិន័យត្រឹមត្រូវ។ ម្យ៉ាងទៀត អ្នកខ្លះនៅជាប់កំអែលបៀតបៀនអ្នកទន់ខ្សោយ អ្នកក្រីក្រ និងអ្នកទន់ទាប (the under privileged) ដោយគេដាក់កំហុសទៅលើអ្នកតវ៉ារឿងដីធ្លីហើយកាន់ជើងអ្នកមានអំណាច។ ពួកគេគឺពិតជាមិនមែនជាមនុស្សចេះការពារអ្នកទន់ខ្សោយទេ(the underdogs) ទោះជួនកាលពួកគេក៏ជាមនុស្សទន់ខ្សោយដែលនោះ។ តែពួកគេទៅការពារអ្នកមានអំណាចដែលដេកសុីប្រាក់ខែរាស្ត្រទាំងនោះទៅវិញ។ នេះបានចំជាអ្នកគាំទ្រចាប់ចោរឆក់តាមចិញ្ចើមថ្នល់ តែបដិសេធន៍ចៅអង្គុយលើកៅអីក្នុងម៉ាសុីនត្រជាក់ទៅវិញ! ពួកគេគួរមើលរឿង Robin Hood ទុកគ្រាន់ជាមេរៀន។