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Political Paradigm of Pragmatism from the Khmer Youth part 90
This part (90), Mr. Sophan described the political leadership of Hun Sen to mainly focus on divide and conquer of his contenders in which this strategy was happened between nation-states conflicts, but conflict within a state, they have rarely operated like what Hun Sen has been doing in Cambodia.
At current situation, Cambodia is facing challenges to be easily fragile. When Hun Sen made several extrajudicial decision-makings to advance his chess-board tactics aiming to weaken, divide, and demolish his opposition, the fate of Cambodia is not sustainable at all. He has used the same pattern of tactic to lure his opponents. Using carrot and stick to favour one side, but disfavour another side, has been very popular in this not-nation-state-interest approach. Once, when he favoured Eung Huot, but disfavoured Prince Rannarith, finally Eung Huot divided from Prince Rannarith; when he said he can work with Ngek Bunchhai only, finally Ngek Bunchhai divided from Prince Rannarith; when he said Ieng Moly is good partner with him, Ieng Moly and Son San divided from one another. When he began “culture of dialogue” with Sam Rainsy, he said he could work with Sam Rainsy only, not with Kem Sokha. But now after King’s pardon Kem Sokha, at the first parliamentary meeting session, Hun Sen adamantly stated that Kem Sokha is his conversation partner singly.
Now, it comes to CNRP on how to perform its due diligence to handle with these severe attempts. While the attempts to divide two top leaders, these historical tactics had worked well with strong top down approach leadership and corruption addiction occurring in both Funcinpec and National Liberation of Son San party, then we do believe it will not be problematic when both Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha who have learnt very well of these historical tactics and both leaders have purified themselves from all mentioned disqualified leadership, the divide and conquer attempts shall be in vain. On the other hand, as CNRP has strong body and legs, the shaking head cannot tumble the body and feet easily. These head, body, and legs, need political maturity and due diligence to achieve its goal of commune election 2017 and national election 2018. Thus, the 55 law-makers from CNRP whip especially the minority leader and committees chairs can impeach anyone including Prime Minister Hun Sen from power when gross mistakes are found and each case has been diligently and professionally researched and published.
សូមបងប្អូនប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរទាំងអស់បាននូវពុទ្ធពរទាំងឡាយ៤ប្រការគឺអាយុ វណ្ណៈ សុខៈ និងពលៈ កុំបីឃ្លៀងឃ្លាតឡើយ។ សូមប្រជាពលរដ្ឋខ្មែរនៅក្រៅស្រុកទាំងអស់មានសិទ្ធិបោះឆ្នោត ដើម្បីកំណត់ជោគវាសនាប្រទេសជាតិរួមគ្នានាពេលខាងមុខ។ សូមយុត្តិធម៌និងសេរីភាពពិតប្រាកដកើតមាននៅលើទឹកដីដ៏ពិសិដ្ឋមួយនេះ។
Happy New Year 2017
May all Cambodians attain 4 blessings of Lord Buddha: Longevity, Brightness, Happiness and Energy. May all Cambodians overseas exercise their voting rights to help build Cambodia collectively. May true justice and freedom anchor this wonder land.
From: Cambodia Leadership Skills, December 31, 2016; www.sophanseng.info
Political Paradigm of Pragmatism from the Khmer Youth part 89
This part (89), Mr. Sophan analysed on how to develop Cambodian human resource to be agent of change and democratic catalysts. By comparing to old saying that Khmer people are fluently reciting “if
you want to get knowledge, you must kill your instructor; if you want to receive fruits, you must burn down the trunk”, the philosophy conundrum of Cambodia politics is muddier and murkier. The saying explicitly means don’t be afraid of accumulating and digesting knowledge from instructor by asking questions, interacting, and making friendship with instructor.
In sum, these three components are essential to develop agent of change and democratic catalysts in Cambodia as following:
- Children must be developed democratic mindset in family setting as a strong foundation by having parenthood with potential parenting pedagogy. Majorly, Cambodian parents regard their children as objective, not subjective at all. Major parents has used authoritarian approach to raise children. Without allocating space for children to express their opinion and questions parents, is the shortage of democratic mindset, and this practice is a pro-domestic violence in which it has become the cycle of violence from generations to generations.
- Schools are centre of democratic development, but Cambodia schools have been slow in both financial funding and capacity building. Teachers are used less learnt to teach the unlearnt. This setting is really out of context to develop pedagogy of teachers to teach students in a democratic way. Nonetheless, schools have been viewed as a political campground for government-led party to influence through providing salary, gifts, and entitlement. Major school principles and superintendents must proclaim loyalty to government-led party to ensure their career.
- Top leaders are the most effective public figures who are showing both role model and leadership. Democratic leaders are persons who set aside personal interest by working harder to bring collective interests for their long lasting fame of the future. Cambodian leaders are in contract. Both personal raising and schooling are not a good example for Cambodian children to follow. When he has been raised in a violence family, he is tending to be more authoritarian than democratic. When he has been nominated to position by backing from foreigner, he is tending to be more into self-deceiving than self-motivation in nation building. Cambodia is unfortunate to having their incumbent leader that is not a democratic person!
CPP’s party convention on December 18, 2016 came with the statement on pushing for further “reforms” and “culture of dialogue” in which the stance is like previous party convention statements. Hence, the statement and the action have already displayed contradictory landscape. The subsequent statements are viewed of propaganda rather than political will to ascertain them. The perception of the public especially those facebookers and online youth savvy users have highly conveyed on “double standard” being used by the Prime Minister to influence all sectors of the government cells to incline in such “rule by law” in a tapestry of legal enforcement. “Rule by law” that is described as “double standard” implementation was called by international expertise to subsume current practices of Hun Sen leadership in which “rule of law” has been visibly disregarded.
“Rule of law” which is known for “institution building” is not in sight of Cambodia incumbent leader. He has tantamountly operated like a state of nature shadowed by his supreme and sacred leadership to team up “clan” by using law to favour his side but not the other side, and this is called “rule by law” by foreign expertise.
Look at the bottom line of population, the social disintegration and popular discontent towards such top down “rule by law” has gradually widened. The example case happening in Poipet while a policeman named Chean Pisith fell down in front of a car, and policemen handcuffed the driver named Mong Putthi immediately without waiting a thorough investigation, is critical. Watching video clip filmed by bystanders, the policeman tricked to fall down himself in front of the parking car aiming to accuse the driver who is the activist of Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP). Now, the legal needs are met as Doctor issued confirmation letter of injury and unconsciousness of the policeman while the public has cried out loud on such trick committed by Chean Pisith and colleagues.
This case is one of the hundred cases illustrating maltreatment and extrajudicial conducts of incumbent government. Many broad daylight murderings have been in impunity. Many trials on both civil society members and opposition political activists are not comparable to the illegal and crime committed by the powerful side viewed by the public. The trend has become more serious and it is believed to be more fragile and polarized within this society under Hun Sen leadership.
Political Paradigm of Pragmatism from the Khmer Youth part 88
This part (88), Mr. Sophan described the scheme between Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) in Phnom Penh and the Cambodian government.
The diplomatic note by Cambodia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent to Geneva concerning state’s sovereignty intervention doesn’t imply to the covenant on Universal Human Rights that UNs has had jurisdiction over nation states that have violated human rights, and it is an obligation of Cambodia to abide with the covenant.
Reading article by Alex Willemyns of the Phnom Penh Post today titling “waiting game pays off“, has
troublesome intrigued human instinct to the smell of “immature politics” and “playing into the projected plan” of Cambodia political arena. Viewing through these video clips live-showed by Sam Rainsy’s facebook page, we could smell the immature behaviour of many uniforms dressed up by some youths in yellow colour illustrating the effort to bring Human Right Party (HRP) into stage or it is understood as a message of unsettle unionization between HRP and Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) into CNRP which is a postpartum since 2012. This assumption might be irrelevant but public stunt has always been making their own common sense as well as using their own judgmental rights like what H.E. Kem Sokha said in the first video clip at 50:40 minutes. He adamantly confirmed the royal pardoning has no string or anything in exchange in the following. Thus, he is soft or muting in his ever-made public speech on unity or Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha is one and individable etc. Drafting speech can go wrong out of core topic but this first public speech after the pardoning is really significantly needing him to claim the bonding as it is remained strong. Sorry that he should not miss this point but we understand the situation.
In contrast, H.E. Sam Rainsy through video-conferencing from Germany reaffirmed the importance of
bonding together to achieve the upcoming election in another 21:01 minutes video clip. The locus of game “divide and conquer” has triggered since the first day of returning back to the parliament when Kem Sokha lamented of his uneasiness to ascend to this scenario. Hence, his acceptance as a prestigious first vice president of the Assembly immatured many of his loyalists to stay on doubts on the “culture of dialogue” between Hun Sen and Sam Rainsy. As a lesson learnt, both CNRP leaders used broad public speeches to criticize Hun Sen at helm until Hun Sen turned to his heritage sword: a strong man or an undemocratic strategies to jail, to attack, or to convict opposition leaders respectively. Cambodian citizens have viewed this game-play as a childish behaviour as key reforms and fighting against corruption have failed indisputably by Hun Sen’s leadership. Both Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha have learnt precious lesson on how the politics without principles have been pervasively operated under Hun Sen’s leadership. And it is like a life and death political scene which is visibly solely existing in Cambodia!
At the end, not major Cambodian citizens including Alex Willemyns have been trapped inside this
vacuum of none-principle political game. But major young voters including Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha have been well aware of living with it but being pragmatic about it. Major Cambodian citizens from all political tendencies have desired to having politics with principle as well as establishing a state with strong institution, so that their young children can enjoy future sustainability. Now, Hun Sen is calculating his chess game on bringing Sam Rainsy’s cowardliness to return back country and border’s scheme of changing constitution chapter II in order to likely weaken Sam Rainsy and lift up Kem Sokha, while the play of bringing sex scandal and enthroning Kem Sokha in high prestigious first vice president of Assembly couldn’t convince Sam Rainsy’s players to jump in.