February, 2019
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China-Cambodia Military Fears in the Headlines with New US Intelligence Report
China-Cambodia Military Fears in the Headlines with New US Intelligence Report
A closer look at recent headlines about Beijing’s growing military presence in the Southeast Asian state and their wider significance.
Op-Ed: The Diplomat
By Prashanth Parameswara February 05, 2019
Last week, the suggestion that Cambodia could move towards changing its constitution to facilitate growing Chinese military presence in the country led to another series of headlines about Beijing’s rising influence in the Southeast Asian state. While such worries are far from new, their continued articulation by U.S. officials reinforces the extent of the concern around such developments as well as the wider trends that they represent within the Indo-Pacific.
As I have noted previously in these pages, while the idea of a deepening Chinese military presence in Cambodia under Prime Minister Hun Sen is far from new, there has been increased attention to this as both sides have been stepping up their defense ties and amid wider concerns including rising Chinese economic and security presence in Southeast Asia and setbacks to democracy in the region.
A case in point was late last year where we saw the latest round of public scrutiny on the notion of a Chinese naval base in Cambodia tied to a controversial, ongoing port project, with U.S. officials directly raising the issue with Cambodia. As I noted in an evaluation of these concerns, even though specifics may remain unclear for now in the public domain, these fears are not entirely unfounded given some of the developments we have already seen in recent years.
Last week, the fears of China’s growing military presence surfaced again following the release of this year’s iteration of the Worldwide Treat Assessment of the U.S. Intelligence Community, a collective report produced by 17 separate U.S. agencies. Several media outlets picked up on the fact that in his statement for the record for the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence dated January 29, Director of National Intelligence Dan Coats had mentioned that Cambodia’s slide toward autocracy “opens the way for a constitutional amendment that could lead to a Chinese military presence in the country.”
This then led to several headlines in Cambodia and internationally about those comments. Unsurprisingly, the Cambodian government reacted rather defensively as well, with the defense ministry rejecting the need for it to amend its constitution and even welcoming the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to seek the truth behind these issues.
Read More …Cambodia: A Country for Rent
Cambodia: A Country for Rent
Richard Bernstein FEBRUARY 21, 2019 ISSUE
Not that it should have been a surprise, but China was the only major country that declined to join the international criticism of Cambodia’s prime minister, Hun Sen, as he ensured that he would run effectively unopposed in the parliamentary elections on July 29, 2018, turning them into a sham and largely dismantling what remained of Cambodia’s democratic structures. Among Hun Sen’s actions was the arrest and imprisonment on transparently ridiculous charges of Kem Sokha, the leader of the Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP), the only opposition party capable of challenging his rule. That occurred just after midnight on September 3, 2017, when some one hundred armed police descended on Kem’s Phnom Penh home and hauled him off to a rural prison near the Vietnamese border, where he remained for a year before being released on bail to await trial. With the only other Cambodian opposition figure of national stature, Sam Rainsy, living in enforced exile, Hun Sen had no credible challenger in the elections. His party won all 125 seats in the National Assembly.
There were other acts of brazen and undisguised repression that provoked the disapproval of much of the world apart from China. Cambodia’s main English-language newspaper, The Cambodian Daily, which had done good professional reporting on the country for twenty-four years, training a generation of Cambodian journalists in the process, was closed down on dubious charges of tax evasion. NGOs, including the National Democratic Institute, which is affiliated with the Democratic Party in the US, were expelled from the country. Most important, perhaps, Hun Sen’s compliant Supreme Court, two months after Kem’s arrest, dissolved the CNRP and banned 118 of its senior figures from politics for five years.
The purpose of this repression is obvious. Kem and his party had performed well in parliamentary elections six years ago despite the ruling party’s efforts to manipulate them, including the occasional unsolved murder and attacks on opposition rallies. In 2017 the CNRP received 44 percent of the vote in local elections, compared to 49 percent for Hun Sen’s Cambodian People’s Party. Given the widespread disaffection with Hun Sen and his corrupt cohort, especially among younger voters, many Cambodian and foreign observers believed that if the July 29 vote had been free and fair, Kem might well have won, thereby unseating Hun Sen after thirty-three years in power.
Read More …ព្រះមហាក្សត្រកម្សត់នៅកម្ពុជា
យល់ស្របនិងគាំទ្រលោកពូបណ្ឌិតទាំងស្រុង។
នៅប្រទេសកាណាដា ព្រះមហាក្សត្របដិបត្តិតាមរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញយ៉ាងពេញលេញមិនមានខ្វះចន្លោះត្រង់ណាទេ។ ព្រះអង្គមានតំណាងនៅគ្រប់ជាន់ថ្នាក់តាមប្រព័ន្ធគ្រប់គ្រងប្រទេសកាណាដាបែបរដ្ឋាភិបាលនិងសភាជាតិ(federal government and MPs), រដ្ឋាភិបាលថ្នាក់ខេត្តនិងសភាខេត្ត(provincial government and MLAs), និងរដ្ឋបាលថ្នាក់ស្រុកឃុំសង្កាត់និងក្រុមប្រឹក្សាស្រុកឃុំសង្កាត់(city mayor and city councillors)។ តុលាការកំពូល-ឧទ្ទរ-ថ្នាក់ជាតិឈ្មោះថាព្រះមកុដិ(crown)។ អ្នកបកស្រាយច្បាប់ ជ្រើសរើស-ដាក់វិន័យ-បញ្ឈប់ចៅក្រម(judges)និងអយ្យការ(persecutors)មានឈ្មោះថាជើងម៉ាព្រះរាជក្សត្រិយានី(queen bench)។
Op-Ed: Lao Mong Hay, PhD, facebook page
ព្រះរាជបល្ល័ង្កនិងរាជានិយមខ្លាំងហើយ មិនបាច់ការពារបន្ថែមទេ បើព្រះមហាក្សត្រអាចធ្វើឲ្យតុលាការឯករាជ្យ និងកុំឲ្យមានការរំលោភសិទ្ធិមនុស្សបាន ដែលជាតួនាទីរបស់លោកចែងក្នុងរដ្ឋធមនុញ្ញ
នឹងធ្វើដូច្នេះបានលុះណាតែនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី អ្នកដឹកនាំស្ថាប័នរដ្ឋ និងរដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ពាក់ព័ន្ធ គាំទ្រសកម្ម ថ្វាយសហការពេញលេញ និងរៀបចំស្ថាប័ន យន្តការនិងនីតិវិធីសមស្រប ជា សេនាធិការជួយ ឲ្យព្រះមហាក្សត្រប្រើប្រាស់ព្រះរាជសិទ្ធិនិងបំពេញ ព្រះរាជតួនាទីរបស់លោកដោយជាក់ស្តែងសកម្មនិងពេញលេញ និងឲ្យលោកមានការទទួលខុសត្រូវចំពោះប្រជាជាតិផង ។
ព្រះរាជសិទ្ធិនិងតួនាទីរបស់ព្រះមហាក្សត្រដែលមានចែងក្នុងរដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញ មានជាអាទ៍៖
១ ព្រះរាជសិទ្ធិលើកលែងទោសនិងបន្ធូរបន្ថយទោស (មាត្រា២៧) គឺទុកឲ្យលោកសម្រេចដោយ មិនចាំបាច់ឲ្យមានការស្នើសុំពីប្រមុខរដ្ឋាភិបាល ដូចសព្វថ្ងៃនេះ ។
២ តួនាទីជា មេបញ្ជាការកំពូលនៃកងយោធពលខេមរភូមិន្ទ (មាត្រា២៣) គឺសុំឲ្យលោកមានឯកសណ្ថាន យោធា យាងលោកឲ្យគង់ជាព្រះអធិបតីក្នុងការប្រារពពីធីយោធានានា និងយាងត្រួតពល នឹងឲ្យអគ្គ មេបញ្ជាការដែលលោកតែងតាំងទទួលខុសត្រូវចំពោះលោក ដែលមិនបានធ្វើសព្វថ្ងៃនេះ ។
៣ តួនាទី ជាអ្នកធានាឯករាជ្យរបស់តុលាការ (មាត្រា១៣២.- ថ្មី) គឺទុកឲ្យលោកគ្រប់គ្រងឧត្តមក្រុមប្រឹក្សា នៃអង្គចៅក្រម ជាសេនាធិការជួយលោកឲ្យធានាឯករាជ្យនោះឲ្យបាន រួមមានការតែងតាំងចៅក្រមក្រម ព្រះរាជ្ញអាជ្ញាឯករាជ្យ និងត្រួតពិនិត្យកុំឲ្យមានអំពើពុករលួយ ដែលមិនបានធ្វើសព្វថ្ងៃនេះ។
៤ តួនាទីធានា ការគោរពសិទ្ធិសេរីភាពរបស់ប្រជាពលរដ្ឋ (មាត្រា៨) គឺជួយឲ្យលោកមានយន្តការ ត្រួតពិនិត្យ ការការគោរពសិទ្ធិសេរីភាពទាំងនោះ និងឲ្យតុលាការដាក់ទណ្ឌកម្មទៅលើការរំលោភ ដែលមិនបានធ្វើសព្វថ្ងៃនេះ ។
៥ នាយករដ្ឋមនត្រីនិងគណរដ្ខមន្ត្រីត្រូវចូលសវនា២ដងក្នុង១ខែដើម្បីរាយការណ៍ថ្វាយលោកនិងស្ដាប់ ព្រះរាជតម្រិះពីលោក (មាត្រា២០) ។ សវនាការនេះដូចអត់មានផងសព្វថ្ងៃនេះ ។
៦ តួនាទីព្រះអធិបតី សមាជជាតិដែលត្រូវធ្វើឡើងនៅខែធ្នូ រៀងរាល់ឆ្នាំ ដើម្បីឲ្យប្រជាពលរដ្ឋចូលរួមស្តាប់ រដ្ឋាភិបាលនិងធ្វើសំណូមពរជូនវិញ និងឃើញលោកធ្វើការផ្ទាល់ផង ។ សមាជនេះអត់ទានបានបង្កើតទេ មកទល់សព្វថ្ងៃនេះ ។
សូមធ្វើការកត់សំគាល់បន្តិចថា សព្វថ្ងៃនេះ ព្រះមហាក្សត្រខ្មែរ ដូចជាមិនខុសពីព្រះចៅអធិរាជជប៉ុន មុនឆ្នាំ១៨៦៨ ប៉ុន្មានទេ ។ ដំបូងឡើយនៅជប៉ុន គឺ ព្រះចៅអធិរាជតែងតាំងមេទ័ពកំពូល ដែលភាសា ជប៉ុនហៅថា ហ្សូហ្គុន – Shogun – ជានាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រី ។ នាយករដ្ឋមន្រ្តីមេទ័ពកំពូលនោះ យកអំណាច អស់ពីព្រះចៅអធិរាជ ហើយក៏តែងតាំងកូនៗឲ្យស្នងជានាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីមេទ័ពកំពូលតត្រកូល ។ ពួកគេ ទុកឲ្យព្រះចៅអធិរាជ គង់នៅក្នុងវាំងនៅទីក្រុង គីយ៉ូដូ – Kyodo – ឆ្ងាយដាច់ដោយឡែក ហើយនាយក រដ្ឋមន្ត្រីមេទ័ពកំពូលធ្វើការដឹកនាំប្រទេសនៅទីក្រុង អេដូ – Edo – ដែលក្រោយមកដូរ ឈ្មោះជា តូក្យូ – Tokyo ។ ត្រកូលនាយករដ្ឋមន្ត្រីមេទ័ពកំពូលចុងក្រោយ – Shogunate – គ្រប់គ្រងប្រទេសជប៉ុន ២៥០ឆ្នាំ រហូតដល់មានរដ្ឋប្រហាររំលំនិងថ្វាយអំណាចឲ្យទៅព្រះចៅអធិរាជគ្រប់គ្រងវិញនៅឆ្នាំ១៨៦៨ ។
Cambodia’s Geopolitics at High Risk
Cambodia vs. Venezuala
Again, Cambodia is risking itself by the power-thirst leader to plunge this country into another chapter of chaos and uncertainty. After the jailing opposition leader Kem Sokha in September 2017, the dissolving largest political party Cambodia National Rescue Party in November 2017, and banned the 118 opposition politicians from politics; the government paved way for its own party to the election to sweep all 125 parliamentary seats. The election was a sham and no democratic countries has recognized this poll.
The situation today of Cambodia is not different from Venezuela’s. While dictator Nicolas Maduro banned opposition party from taking part in the election, Cambodian government through its extending hand ie. the supreme court dissolved the opposition party CNRP from the political space disrespectful to the nearly half of country’s population who have voted for this party.
Siding with China solely is not only violating Cambodia’s Constitution but poking America’s eyes
Cambodia’s slide toward autocracy, which culminated in the Cambodian People’s Party’s retention of power and complete dominance of the national legislature, opens the way for a constitutional amendment that could lead to a Chinese military presence in the country.
ការរអិលចូលទៅក្នុងរបបផ្តាច់ការរបស់កម្ពុជា ដែលរុញដល់កំពូលក្នុងការកាន់កាប់អំណាចរបស់គណបក្សប្រជាកម្ពុជានិងការគ្រប់គ្រងទាំងស្រុងនៃរដ្ឋសភាជាតិ បើកផ្លូវសម្រាប់ការធ្វើវិសោធនកម្មច្បាប់រដ្ឋធម្មនុញ្ញដែលអាចនាំទៅរកវត្តមានយោធាចិនក្នុងប្រទេស។
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The Human Rights Committee in Cambodia is the Protector of the Government not the People’s Rights
Keo Remy, the chair of Cambodia Human Rights Committee read his statement with a high praise and proud privileges for the government in which undermines itself from key objectives, code of conduct and professionalism. This is the anatomy of single-party state governance including the ACU, the Assembly, the Judiciary, and the Arm-force etc.
Cambodia Review – 32nd Session of Universal Periodic Review, 30 Jan 2019 – UPR of Cambodia